8. To envision a little England in British Malabar

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VED
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8. To envision a little England in British Malabar

Post posted by VED »

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1. The British party that once again brought the lower communities to the kuppattotti

2. Demonic abilities converging in the eyes

3. Ups and downs within the virtual code design view

4. A condition with limited ease of breaking free from one link to connect to another

5. Digit value and numerical position

6. The source of auspicious and inauspicious omens

7. The phenomenon of melting away in degrading word usage

8. Shouldn’t fundamental Islam be re-evaluated through language codes?

9. A way to rise above the repulsive standard of the ordinary Indian

10. The illusory universe created by the languages of wild creatures

11. Various consequences of uplifting the lowest castes

12. The French who remained as the joker in the pack

13. Getting the one being uplifted to strike down the one uplifting

14. Social reform fostering insecurity in society

15. The social condition that adversely affected Tellicherry’s local elites

16. Envisioning a little England in British Malabar

17. How English classical literature surpasses ancient scholarship, knowledge &c.

18. Preventing the demonic codes of feudal languages from accessing the individual

19. The divine radiance bestowed upon the elite in feudal languages

20. Some facts to know before attempting to redefine society

21. Stabbing and injuring each other, crowds seeking mental satisfaction

22. How a language that fosters weakness brings great social progress

23. A plan to return those who escaped loin cloth back to loin cloth

24. If the nation of British-Malabar had been formed!

25. Capturing the indescribable refinement of the English social atmosphere

26. Foreigners conspire to subjugate Malabar

27. True slavery and false slavery

28. Social realities unimaginable to the English Christian

29. Keeping some distance from feudal language speakers is indeed wise

30. Elevating individuals suppressed in the dustbin of language codes

31. Those who flee out of fear of being degraded

32. The numerical status of the enslaved people

33. The life of the enslaved

34. Learning history through cinematic tales

35: When the lowest people are set free

36: The rise of the lowest people

37. The roguish act that England did was the liberation of the enslaved peoples

38: Efforts by the English to liberate the enslaved people

39: Pressure to bring changes in the Travancore kingdom

40: The Madras Presidency government went beyond its jurisdiction to intervene

41. A social scene where noble family women must stay away from market areas

42. Non-spiritual aspects of joining the new religion

43. Issues in unleashing the lower communities

44. Lower communities living like mute animals

45. The company with language codes that shone like a lamp, spreading light, radiance

46. Methods of punishment

47. The traditional glory of exploitation

48. Deceptive and real slavery

49. When a tremendous earthquake occurs in language code

50. Death of differing social stature people


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1. The British party that once again brought the lower communities of this peninsula to the kuppattotti (refuse heap).

Post posted by VED »

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I am about to return to Tellicherry immediately. Before that, I aim to bring some matters mentioned in the previous writing to completion.

The word kuppattotti was used in the previous writing. There is a backstory to this usage. In Travancore, lower communities such as Pariahs, Pallars, and Shanars had to pay a tax for their huts. The amount was quite trivial. However, the name of that tax was kuppakkacha.

Look at the quotation from Native Life in Travancore:

QUOTE: Kuppa katcka, ‘refuse offering,’ was so called because it was the meanest tax — really a house tax — one fanam for each hut. Pariahs, Pallars, and some Shanars paid this. END of QUOTE

Such taxes were not meant to generate wealth for the government but to constantly remind these people that they were mere kuppattotti (refuse). In most parts of this subcontinent, such coded words likely existed. Many Englishmen, even today, are unaware that in these regions, humans could marikku (good stature man's death) or chavuka (lowest quality man's death). Animals and kuppattotti people chavum. Others marikkum.

The codes that create such intense hatred and disgust among humans are embedded in language. I believe I will soon be able to say more about this in connection with Tellicherry.

Another matter to mention is a comparison between the social atmosphere of villages and two distinct social atmospheres in urban areas. I won’t delve into that now, as it would divert the direction of this writing. I plan to address it later.

Next, I will discuss colonialism in this subcontinent. Although history claims that the Portuguese, Dutch, French, and others established colonial rule here, their colonialism doesn’t seem to have been significant enough to be noteworthy. These groups ruled only in limited areas.

It was the English rule that created the notion of this subcontinent as a single nation. When we describe this rule as colonial, it’s easy to mistakenly equate it with the colonialism of the Portuguese, Spanish, French, or Belgians. However, just as England is distinct from mainland Europe, English colonialism was fundamentally different from the colonialism of those mentioned. To put it more strongly, English colonialism was a historical event that was the complete opposite of mainland European colonialism. I hope to elaborate on this later.

Next, I will address the foolish history that claims India and Pakistan were granted independence. There were no such countries as India or Pakistan in history that had lost their independence. Therefore, claiming that non-existent countries were given independence is fundamentally flawed.

Investigating this error reveals the following truths: It was not the regime that practised English Colonialism, or British Colonialism, that ended this colonialism. Instead, it was another regime that did so.

To understand this, consider the following: Suppose Sultan Tipu (Tipu Sultan) had taken over the rule of Travancore for a few years. Many traditional procedures and governance policies would have been overturned. Even if the Sultan relinquished rule and left, and even if many of the introduced procedures were discontinued, much of what was altered could not be restored to its original state.

A similar crisis occurred in England. Immediately after the Second World War, in the subsequent election, the British Labour Party won. This crisis happened in that country because, overwhelmed by the horrors of war, the people voted against the ruling party. Many had witnessed their siblings, children, parents, and others writhing in agony and dying or crying out in pain from injuries.

The British Labour Party, it seems, is not merely a foolish party in that country but, in many ways, a renegade party with a treacherous character. These are the ones responsible for many of the problems we see in the world today. The Kashmir issue arose due to their folly. And so did many other issues.

It appears that this regime, which abandoned the Arabs who fully supported the English in the wars and facilitated the establishment of a nation for the Jews in Palestine by displacing the local people, is responsible for depriving the Jews of the chance to live peacefully.

This party is known as a left-wing party. Therefore, it supported the great feudal elites of this subcontinent. Nehru, Gandhi, and others likely had good relations with this party in England. This party provided immense support to Nehru in taking control of the subcontinent.

The question of how the great elites in the colonies could represent the ordinary enslaved people there never arose in their minds, it seems.





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2. Demonic Abilities Converging in the Eyes

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The enthusiasm to compare the personal relationships among individuals in villages with the distinct lifestyles of certain specific cities is steadily rising from the depths of my mind.

This very writing is happening due to some surging impulse. Although it is true that I have not clearly discerned the precise goal of this writing, I have deliberately crafted a clear purpose for it in my own mind. Nevertheless, it does not seem that the source of these waves of thought lies solely in the depths of my own mind. Rather, it is undoubtedly a stream flowing from some external repository of knowledge.

The urge to weave one or two points about personal relationships in villages into the course of this writing is steadily rising within my mind. It feels as though this information is yearning to break free. Therefore, once that is written as well, I shall return to Tellicherry.

In India’s metropolitan cities, there exists a social atmosphere—slum dwelling—that is not distinctly visible in smaller towns. The images that arise in my mind are of Bombay, Madras, and Delhi. While it can be said that the social scenes observed in these three cities are entirely different from one another, for those knowledgeable about such matters, the clear influence of the local feudal languages in each of these cities is discernible.

This writing does not now venture into the distinct differences among the slum dwellings of these three cities. Instead, it merely examines a small common aspect among them.

When viewed through linguistic codes, slum dwelling often feels like living on the edges of streets. In feudal languages, an individual, a group of related individuals, or a family requires a great wall, manpower, physical distance, or clear social superiority to remain apart from others in the outside world. The issue lies in the respect-degradation word codes. Without any of the aforementioned shields, others will define one through degrading word codes.

This is something absent in English. This matter is indeed grotesque. Pretending otherwise is futile.

In the city of Delhi, it generally seemed that there were more than two types of slum dwellings.

One is as follows:


On one side of a road stand residences of immense financial capacity, spaced apart. On the opposite side of the road, there are concrete buildings as well. However, these are houses stacked like matchboxes atop one another. Families live in close proximity. It is a physical condition where individuals cannot avoid those nearby, neither in sight nor in thought.

Similar situations, where individuals and families lived in such close quarters, occurred intermittently in certain areas of England during the World Wars. However, there was a clear difference between the situation in Delhi and that in England at the time.

In England, people then spoke English, not a feudal language. In Delhi, the language is Hindi—a language imbued with feudal codes dripping with demonic qualities, combined with respect codes capable of encasing human individuality in golden cages, possessing both the fierce beauty of a venomous serpent and its treacherous venom.

IMAGE: An air raid shelter in a London Underground station during The Blitz, 1940s.

The clear difference in personal relationships on either side of the road can be described as follows:

On the side with immense financial capacity, people reside in houses. They maintain distance from one another. They interact only with those they are interested in. Although Hindi’s respect-degradation codes are active here as well, one can often choose whom to engage with. Those eager to speak without respect can be avoided or ignored. One can interact solely with those of similar mental, intellectual, informational, or financial standing.

Each household may also have workers defined by degrading word codes. These workers elevate the residents of the houses they serve through word codes.

When young people from these houses sit in their gardens or elsewhere, the subordinate workers or others do not approach them with degrading word-code-laden questions such as, “What’s your name?”, “Which is your house?”, “Is she your younger sister?”, or “Where does he study?” to disturb them or attempt to bolster their own barren self-respect and individuality. Often, words like “app” or “tu” are used by the subordinate crowd when addressing the young people from the upper crowd.

There is much more to say about this matter. These are issues that have even paved the way for large-scale communal riots in northern India. I cannot delve into them now.

Now, let us examine the situation on the other side of the road.

Individuals—women, men, young people—live as though on the edges of streets. The social relationship codes on this side of the road are akin to a black hole, where all physical distances between individuals vanish in word codes, pressed tightly together. Clear respect-degradation codes are forcefully imposed. Some must be mandatorily respected, meaning one must proclaim oneself as inferior. Those respected, in turn, speak and refer degradingly.

In a socially expansive area of meagre dimensions, individuals and their personalities throb and create a constant clamour.

There may be prominent individuals in this area as well—those respected by many or possessing great financial capacity. However, they cannot leave this space. If they move elsewhere, they lose the crowds that elevate them through word codes and those they degrade through word codes.

In such cities, a residential address is a matter of great value determination. I once met an individual living in an area with two distinct social structures on either side of a road. He was genuinely a member of a financially capable household but, after a conflict with his father, left home and came to Delhi to work and live. He spoke English fluently. Consequently, he openly shared many things with me. This person lived right next to the road, separated from the financially capable side by merely the road’s distance.

The two sides have distinctly different residential area names. He said that when asked where he lived, he would give the name of the area on the wealthier side.

People from the wealthier side often pretend not to see those from the other side. If those from the poorer side unnecessarily try to make eye contact, those from the wealthier side avoid locking eyes, letting their gaze pass through without allowing their eyes to touch.

The reason for this avoidance is genuinely tied to the software codes of reality. I will elaborate on this later.

This matter concerning eyes is growing in many areas where feudal language speakers spread. It seems that even in England, some English people are beginning to adopt this practice.

Those on either side of the road are humans, individuals, Indians. So why do those on the wealthier side maintain such distance, and why do those on the poorer side have an insatiable desire to reach equality with those on the wealthier side?

It must be noted that if those on the poorer side express their individuality with clear and unwavering subservience, those on the wealthier side will not ignore them. Conversely, those on the wealthier side fear those who, while standing on the poorer side, express equality in word codes and body language.

Some individuals from the wealthier side could form friendships with some from the poorer side, as they may find similarities in personality. However, those on the wealthier side understand that crossing such boundaries for personal relationships is dangerous. If they do not understand, experience will soon bring wisdom and discretion.

Those on the poorer side genuinely live entangled in many rigid and immensely powerful relational chains. Word codes bind them in this manner. If someone from the wealthier side forms a friendship with such an individual, the chains binding that person will, either immediately or gradually, spread to the new person.

When that happens, one cannot ignore the eyes of many. In feudal languages, eyes can seize an individual to elevate or paralyse them.

The latter is a demonic ability of the eyes. Feudal languages grant this ability to the eyes.







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3. Ups and Downs Within the Virtual Code Design View

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When observing different individuals who speak feudal languages within the design view of the supernatural or otherworldly software operating behind reality, it might be possible to visualise them as bars in a bar graph—some taller, some shorter, and some extending downward. I cannot delve deeply into this topic now.

However, I can briefly touch upon it. Individuals who speak feudal languages have a position of elevation or degradation in their software standing. This is why, in a social atmosphere where feudal languages are spoken, people prejudge each individual as having a level of elevation or degradation and choose word codes accordingly. Related to this, it can also be said that the human brain, when speaking feudal languages, can often evaluate another person in an invisible manner. There are many things to say about this, but I won’t go into them now.

The reality is that residences, cities, villages, and more all have these significant ups and downs in feudal languages.

Comparing the villages of Kerala with those in other states reveals a stark difference. The devaluation of the Indian currency has transformed foreign currency into a vast treasure, which has significantly improved the financial standard of villages in Kerala. I won’t delve into the depths of this topic.

What I wish to say here is this: the financial elevation has not transformed these small villages into English villages. Rather, all the characteristics of feudal languages have merely been reinvented to align with the newly acquired financial prosperity.

One point must be highlighted here. I am speaking in general terms. However, the Mappilas in Malabar, migrant Christian communities, local Christians, as well as the upper-class Muslims in Travancore, Syriac Christians, and those who converted to Christianity all have strong social leadership within their communities. These groups have spaces where they are compelled to gather daily. In these gatherings, significant variations occur in the operation of feudal language codes. This, too, is a complex topic and is not being discussed here.

Hindus, specifically Brahmins, historically stood at a high level in the virtual code platforms. Below them, various groups were seen in a descending hierarchy within the aforementioned virtual code design view.

In Malabar, a slight change occurred when English governance was implemented. Since then, things have been turned upside down. The pertinent point here is that, in Malabar, Mappilas and migrant Christians stood somewhat apart from the general ladder of social hierarchy in the virtual code design view. I cannot elaborate further on this here.

I will offer a small hint. A barber from the lower crowd (Malayalam: kshurakan, Malabari: kaithiyan) was socially distinct from a Mappila barber (osan). This difference is clearly visible in the virtual code design view. The latter individual does not appear on the same ladder as the former. In the virtual code design view, they appear slightly apart. At the same time, they, too, experience the social highs and lows of feudal language. (In the Cannanore region, things were slightly different from other parts of Malabar. I cannot delve into this now.)

Now, I will attempt to depict the social conditions of villages from the perspective of feudal language codes. That will be deferred to the next piece of writing, as today’s writing has slightly veered off course.







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4. A Condition with Limited Ease of Breaking Free from One Link to Connect to Another Independent Link

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Now, I shall briefly touch upon a small segment of the threads of personal relationships and communication in small villages. However, before that, I must mention this: while writing about matters in Tellicherry, it is unclear why this seemingly unrelated topic has crept in. Only as the writing progresses will a clearer picture emerge.

I had indicated that Mappilas, migrant Christians, and others appear to stand on a different ladder in the design view of the supernatural or otherworldly software. To clarify this statement further, it seems appropriate to put it this way:

Rather than saying that individuals among the Mappilas (Malabari Muslims) who perform jobs defined as low-quality in the local language appear on a different ladder in the design view of the supernatural or otherworldly software, a more fitting depiction would be that they are not on the common ladder at all. Instead, their position is on another ladder, relatively higher up the rung. There are many clear reasons for this, but I won’t delve into them now.

It is also a fact that individuals across all occupational levels are not equivalent to their counterparts in different communities. I cannot elaborate further on this now. However, for those venturing into social engineering, it is beneficial to be aware of these fundamental realities. Yet, awareness alone is insufficient.

When comparing small villages with metropolitan cities, the first thing to note is that the vast, beautiful, and fresh-air-filled atmospheres, spaces, and trees, which are disappearing from metropolitan cities today, are abundant in small villages.

In metropolitan cities like Bombay, wealthy individuals travel at least once a year to nature-rich areas, incurring significant financial expenses. In reality, such areas cannot rival the riverbanks, nearby rubber plantations, and tree-filled hilly regions found in villages like Deverkovil in terms of natural beauty. From this perspective, people ought to seek out such small villages for residence and other purposes. However, the reality is that no one is willing to do so.

Now, let’s discuss the social atmosphere. The social atmosphere is a complex matter and can be viewed from various perspectives.

Here, I will briefly address a perspective solely from the angle of feudal language codes. Small villages do not remain confined to this perspective alone, but this reality is indeed true. It is as follows:

In Delhi, it was mentioned that those with immense financial capacity reside on one side of the road in spacious, spaced-out residences. One could say that people in villages live in a similar manner.

There may be physical distances between people and houses. However, in the codes of social communication, they are interconnected in many aspects, much like the slum dwellings mentioned in Delhi, as can be generally stated.

Even if physically spaced apart, individuals are bound by word-code links with no leniency whatsoever. The issue is not merely that each individual is connected by links defining clear elevations or degradations. Rather, the similarity with the aforementioned slum dwellings lies in the limited ease of breaking free from these links to connect to another independent link.

In Malabar, individuals get trapped in positions defined and shaped by terms like inhi, ingal, ningal, ettan, echi, oan, oru, olu, and others. This exists as a vast frame or structure. For individuals coming from outside, entering and securing a comfortable position within this structure requires cunning, strategic brilliance, and calculated moves. Those unprepared or incapable of this often remain detached from the village’s social relational links. Some are not even seen by the villagers.

This is merely a simplified depiction. However, individuals—women and men—have complex ties to this social framework through activities like going to work, entering marital relationships, and more.

Among the wealthy who come to live in small villages from outside, many may live with a degree of social detachment. Their children, particularly daughters, often show little interest in venturing outside to enjoy the village’s natural beauty by the riverbanks or elsewhere. If someone does sit there, those eager to fill their own sense of individuality with value will not miss the opportunity to ask, “What’s your name?”, “Where do you work?”, or “Who is she to you?”

The ordinary people of Kerala are inherently different from the ordinary people of many other states. I won’t elaborate on what this difference is here.

Today, the vast majority of those living in large and small cities are not natives of those places. Rather, they come from small towns, villages, and small villages. Regarding older times, it can be said that about 50 years ago, in English administrative centres like Bombay and Madras, society as a whole had an English aura.

People who went to these places from other regions would return with reasonably good English language skills. They would testify to experiencing efficient English civility, decorum, discipline, and manners in the streets and elsewhere. Today, things are quite the opposite.

What needs to be said next is worth noting. That will be deferred to the next piece of writing.




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5. Digit value and numerical position

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Consider this number: 111111111. It is a number exceeding eleven crore. In this number, the digit 1 occupies positions such as units, tens, hundreds, thousands, ten thousands, and so on. Each 1 in these positions has the scope and capacity to shift between 0 and 9, increasing or decreasing, rotating back and forth.

For ease of understanding what I am about to explain, I will associate each of these positions with individuals.

The units position corresponds to the ordinary people of India.

The tens position corresponds to a police constable or a government office peon in India.

The hundreds position corresponds to a police head constable or a government office clerk.

The thousands position corresponds to a police inspector.

The ten thousands position corresponds to a police circle inspector.

And so forth.

Thus, the leftmost position is associated with a police Inspector General (IG).

Each individual in these positions can fluctuate within the range of personality degradation or elevation, from 0 to 9, in that position.

While such a depiction could be applied to officials in English-speaking countries, it would not be entirely accurate. Firstly, the general public would not fall into the lowest units position. Most of them would be positioned at the leftmost end if we were to depict the people and officials there in this manner.

However, while it is possible to depict people and official positions in English-speaking countries this way, in feudal language regions, a demonic elevation and degradation not present in this depiction would emerge. In reality, when comparing, officials in English-speaking societies can only be seen within a digit value range of 1 crore to 9 crore. Positions from 1 to 11 crore cannot be conceived there, as the language is flat, devoid of significant elevation and degradation. All people live at the crore level in terms of mental individuality.

In feudal language regions, the numerical positions mentioned above influence, define, limit, or render boundless each individual and place. Others constantly attempt to impose a specific numerical position on each individual in social communication. This positioning is an essential component in feudal language communication.

For those living in villages and small villages, escaping this numerical positioning is exceedingly difficult. Moreover, in general, a vast majority of people living in small villages (though not all) operate within a very narrow sphere of thought and intellectual range. It can be said that change began around 2010. Mobile phones, computers, the internet, social media, modern transportation, and large-scale supermarket ventures in villages have significantly expanded the mental horizons of these people. However, this expansion has, in reality, only inflated the feudal language universe.

Many of these people have no knowledge whatsoever of the matters within the supreme universe of pristine English. This lack is growing as a significant deficiency and shortcoming across this nation. Even those who know spoken English have no awareness of this pristine English platform.

The fact that feudal languages pin an individual to a specific numerical position is a significant matter. This reality has shaped the social system of this subcontinent. The awareness that closeness to certain individuals increases one’s value while proximity to others diminishes it is tied to this reality.

Thinking that these are merely caste-based thoughts or that education, in its folly, can erase them is utter foolishness. If one speaks and thinks in a feudal language, one must experience all the capabilities of that language.

This issue also applies to places. Residing in a metropolitan city or having a prestigious residential address often places an individual at a relatively higher numerical position, regardless of how hollow or exceptional that individual may be. Knowing this reality, many assign addresses in cities that confer high numerical positions to their business ventures. This enhances the value of both themselves and the venture, though it may cause a slight devaluation of the city.

Generally, those living in small villages encounter others who are relatively positioned further to the right in numerical terms. For instance, in a city like Trivandrum, higher-ranking officials are densely packed. On platforms viewed through such lenses, those residing there are great sirs, madams, highest-level hes, highest-level he/shes, or those connected to such individuals.

At the same time, even if there are highly knowledgeable or wealthy individuals among those living in small villages, a vast majority are engaged in occupations defined as petty in feudal language codes. Thus, these individuals are positioned further to the right in numerical terms. This reality also has a slight connection to the point mentioned in the previous writing—that some people prefer not even to visit the village market.

One point must be noted here. In certain situations, an individual in the units position with immense personal charisma, verbal prowess, intellectual brilliance, vocal strength, or other qualities may see their digit value rise to 9. Conversely, an individual in the ten thousands position, afflicted by personal distress, emotional pain, or some other negativity, may see their digit value drop to 1 or even 0. In such a scenario, if the individual with a digit value of 9 and the one with a digit value of 0 are compared in a limited social setting, others in that small social platform may perceive the individual with the digit value of 9 as the dominant figure. This is a significant matter.

In feudal languages, individuals have not only a digit value but also a numerical position. Failing to understand this and entering into relationships like love based on a limited social setting can lead life into significant problems. There is much to say about this, but that will come later.

One more point needs to be mentioned here, but that can be addressed in the next writing.





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6. The source of auspicious and inauspicious omens

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For ease of understanding, I will once again take the example of the Indian bureaucratic sphere.

Consider an IAS officer. This highest-level he can connect, converse, and request tasks from another IAS officer with great ease and without significant social barriers.

Similarly, a peon in the same office can connect, converse, and request tasks from another peon in the same manner.

There is a vast difference in the amplitude of these two distinct spheres. The tasks that peons can discuss and accomplish are generally confined to matters within that office. However, an IAS officer can influence matters across India within an expansive scope.

The above is merely a depiction. In this writing, it is used solely as an example of the limitations and boundlessness imposed by feudal languages.

In English-speaking societies, individuals do not have such numerical positionings ranging from the units position to the 10 crore position. If anything exists, it would be values oscillating within the amplitude of 100000000 to 199999999. In other words, individuals stand at the 11 crore level in word codes. Their transient personal ups and downs may cause value changes in the smaller digits at the rightmost end, but overall, the individual remains a person of great depth and grandeur. Using the word "grandeur" here is problematic, as the grandeur in feudal languages does not exist in English.

The reason for the overarching perspective provided above is that in English, everyone steadfastly exists within the single-level word codes of you, your, he, his, him, she, her, hers, they, their, theirs. This is indeed a magnificent mental state.

Regardless of what these people do or don’t do, they remain at roughly the same level in language codes. This is reflected in the dignity of labour that existed in English-speaking nations until a few decades ago. In countries like India, with a malevolent linguistic social environment, such dignity of labour is unimaginable even in dreams. This is because word codes slide through vast numerical positions depending on the occupation.

In areas of English-speaking nations where feudal language speakers reside en masse, the dignity of labour erodes and vanishes. Conditions akin to slum dwellings emerge. Humans develop disgust and hatred toward one another. A mental unease, previously unknown to English societies, spreads among individuals.

The fact that individuals in feudal languages have such numerical positions influences the human mind and social machinery in various ways, which is indeed a reality. For example, individuals are classified as auspicious or inauspicious omens. It is true that seeing certain individuals, conversing with them, imagining them, touching them, or being touched by them evokes an auspicious feeling and initiates a beneficial chain of events. Others evoke the exact opposite experience. This, too, is tied to the numerical position and other complex supernatural software codes operating behind reality. However, that platform is a highly intricate space, not confined to the brief terms provided here, nor can it be limited by such terms. It is, in essence, another universe.

A point worth mentioning here is found in the writings of Edgar Thurston, Rev. Samuel Mateer, and others. During the English colonial period, the English observed such concepts of auspicious and inauspicious omens in this subcontinent. This was both a deeply fascinating experience for them and something they could not comprehend at all. In truth, mainland Europe also had various similar beliefs. However, many regions there were, in parts, feudal language areas.

In English, things are different. Associating such auspicious and inauspicious omens with individuals requires deliberate manoeuvres. It is unlikely to occur spontaneously.

In feudal languages, speaking about, thinking of, or referencing an individual in words can feel like fluctuations in numerical values in the mind. This occurs because language codes interact with the supernatural or otherworldly software operating behind reality.

In societies that use feudal languages, many ingrained malevolent tendencies cannot be eradicated without changing the language. The origin of these tendencies lies in the interaction of malevolent language codes with the supernatural or otherworldly software.

Now, let’s return to Tellicherry. A great struggle is about to begin there, involving traditional feudal landlords and their agents.




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7. The phenomenon of melting away in degrading word usage

Post posted by VED »

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In the previous writing, it was claimed that feudal language codes create numerical positions and digit values for individuals, events, movements, and more within the supernatural or otherworldly software operating behind reality. Some additional thoughts related to this are creeping into my mind. I believe it’s best to unpack these before returning to Tellicherry.

When viewed from the flat word codes of pristine English, the world of feudal languages is entirely different. Everything is distinct. However, the reality is that only the natives of today’s English-speaking nations are unaware of this fact.

In the previous writing, it was stated that an English native can be relatively considered to have a digit value of 11 crore. At the same time, it was indicated that individuals in feudal languages can be imagined to occupy positions ranging from the units position to 10 crore.

The topic to consider here is not only English but also that some other languages may have flat codes. For instance, it seems that among certain tribal groups living in the forests of this subcontinent, the term nee (lowest you) was commonly used—between spouses, and between elders and others. However, it does not seem that they can be assigned the 11 crore value given to English. Instead, they collectively receive the units digit value of those at the bottom among the feudal language speakers living nearby.

This topic may require analysis within the supernatural or otherworldly software. Nevertheless, generally speaking, their collective value degradation may stem from the proximity of feudal language speakers and their collective positioning of these groups at the lowest rung.

One reason some forest-dwellers may dislike the proximity of surrounding feudal language speakers could be this. (This might be a reason why the Mala Arayans, for ages, avoided close interaction with other groups in Travancore. However, it is noteworthy that they showed affinity toward English missionaries. It is recorded that they descended the hills en masse to appeal to Henry Baker, an English missionary, to rescue them from social chains. For the same reason, Clement Attlee’s act of handing over the indigenous people of the Andaman & Nicobar Islands to a feudal language nation was a grave injustice.)

To be honest, this is an extremely serious matter. For example, it is understood that pure Arabic has a flat nature. Thus, generally speaking, pure Arabic speakers may share a sense of affinity with the English populace in various ways. William Logan seems to have hinted at this in the Malabar Manual. However, broadly speaking, this does not appear to be entirely true. What could be the reason? To some extent, it may be that Arabs historically operated in close proximity to surrounding feudal language speakers without maintaining significant distance. Additionally, the concept of social brotherhood in Islam may have contributed to this issue.

The degrading positioning by feudal language speakers can collectively affect pure Arabic speakers. This happens even when Arab fishermen, workers on trading ships, and others interact at the same level as feudal language speakers. Moreover, it seems there are various strata of Arabic-speaking groups in Africa. It is understood that some among them were involved in the slave trade in Africa and treated enslaved individuals brutally.

This overly close association with feudal language speakers may have injected value degradation and brutality into Islam in various ways. While it is commonly said that caste-based thinking does not exist in Islam, it seems that Islamic families with an Arabic language heritage maintain a degree of distance from others in this subcontinent in various ways. The usage of nee in Malayalam and inhi in Malabari may indeed be distasteful to them when used by other Muslims.

The English populace is not entirely safe from this degrading positioning mentioned above. I have personally witnessed Anglo-Indians, with pure English bloodlines, melting away under the degrading word usage of feudal language speakers in India. However, this is a different phenomenon. It is not akin to a peon addressing an IAS officer as nee (lowest you), but something else. This is because English speakers in India are not like IAS officers.

Today, this phenomenon is spreading, albeit subtly, in all English-speaking nations. Mainland European, Asian, African, and South American speakers of feudal languages are now closely interacting with native English speakers, degrading them in their linguistic imagination. Since language is a magnificent, supernatural, or otherworldly software, this proximity and degrading definition alter the very nature of the English speakers’ software in the virtual view of the supernatural or otherworldly software. The phenomenon of digit value may creep into them.

For centuries, the English were unconquerable, both closely and globally, by mainland Europeans. However, today’s foolish academic ideologies are causing a decline in the superior software positional value of the English.

Readers should note that in South America, people from nations created by mainland Europeans attempt in various ways to enter the USA. The USA is a nation built upon numerous native English settlements in the American continent. This is its distinction.

Similarly, if any region in this subcontinent grows while embracing the English language heritage, that region would evolve into a nation even more magnificent than the USA today. That is the reality.





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8. Shouldn’t fundamental Islam be re-evaluated through language codes?

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In this writing, I have used conceptual constructs like numerical position and digit value to explain the codes in the supernatural or otherworldly software, their operational mechanisms, how feudal language codes interact with them, and to minimally validate their plausibility in a certain direction.

However, it must be understood that the supernatural or otherworldly software may be far more complex than the human mind’s current conceptions. Therefore, reality cannot be fully captured in such depictions. Nevertheless, through various depictions and metaphors like these, it may be possible to gain some insight into the potential of supernatural or otherworldly systems.

Language codes are indeed a remarkably powerful entity. The opposing poles of feudal language versus flat language represent only a slight facet of this entity. This entity significantly affects both humans and animals. It is not difficult to understand that a pristine English social atmosphere is entirely distinct from a feudal language atmosphere.

In a society where fair-skinned people speaking feudal languages live, those at the top may exude a golden sheen. However, when viewing the society as a whole, one might notice a shadow of darkness enveloping everyone. Conversely, in a society where dark-skinned individuals communicate with unwavering loyalty to pristine English, a silvery glow may be seen spread throughout.

No matter how much effort is made to reform groups speaking beastly languages, they cannot be elevated beyond a certain limit. Instead, the movement attempting to reform them may end up bearing the brunt of the waves of darkness.

This is evident in Islam’s attempt to reform beastly language groups that tear each other apart and trample one another. While it succeeded in shaping individuals who cooperate within such societies, it seems that this movement has not significantly dismantled the inherent mental dark chambers within these societies. Instead, it has only been able to engage in combat with other feudal language societies using their own linguistic beastliness.

I do not know what fundamental Islam is, as I have not read the Quran or the Hadiths. Reading them in Malayalam would be of little use. However, around 2002, a simple directive attributed to the Prophet Muhammad came to my attention, which I mentioned earlier in this writing. It is simply this: followers and others should not stand up in a subservient manner or as a sign of respect when he enters a platform. Standing up out of friendship or to extend a welcome seems unproblematic.

It appears that the deeper implications of this simple directive have not reached the attention of Muslims speaking feudal languages in this subcontinent and elsewhere. This is likely because their language lacks the pathway to perceive it.

Once, a Muslim remarked that their religion instructs them to respect elders. I am unsure how accurate this is, as I immediately asked, “If so, what does your religion instruct regarding how to treat those considered lesser?” This caused a momentary unease in him, but he quickly responded, “We must love the lesser ones and respect the greater ones.”

While the response is of good quality, it seems to reflect only the mindset of feudal languages. The very definitions of “greater” and “lesser” are shaped in a particular way in feudal languages, unlike in English.

There is a suspicion that Muslims failed to understand the profoundly powerful yet simple directive given by the Prophet. This thought arose in me because I became aware of the immense power of language codes. Others may not necessarily have such thoughts.

However, in the light of this realisation, it seems that Muslims speaking feudal languages stand far removed from fundamental Islam. This prompts the thought: shouldn’t what constitutes fundamental Islam be re-evaluated through language codes, distinct from current Islamic theology?

Now, returning to this subcontinent. The ordinary people of India occupy the units numerical position, living at the lowest possible level. They must respect peons in police departments and government offices with a subservient attitude. These officials are positioned such that they can speak to them in a degrading manner.

Students are in the same position. Teachers, both male and female, place them in a position defined by language codes that belittle them.

In both these cases, this positioning creates fear in various other ways. A vast majority (though not all) of those joining as police constables are, in reality, mentally of a very low calibre. Many are individuals in the units numerical position. Their primary ability lies in physically or verbally subduing anyone through word codes.

This ability is not a great one; anyone could do it given the opportunity. Conversely, the ability to speak and interact with people—whether criminals or not—without degrading them is a significant skill. This is not feasible in feudal languages. If the language changes, even the officially enshrined police constable would become a person of high calibre, and the populace would grow mentally.

Implementing this is not easy. People have numerical positions. Elevating someone from a lower numerical position abruptly will inevitably cause a dent in the numerical position of the one who elevates them, as they, too, are trapped in the links of feudal language.

The only ones who did not immediately experience this dent were the English who came to this subcontinent. They were not ensnared by feudal language codes and lived on solid, rock-like pedestals within their own language codes. However, gradually, this demonic knowledge of numerical positioning creeps into them as awareness. If it does not come spontaneously, the people of this subcontinent working alongside them will painstakingly bring it about.






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9. A way to rise above the repulsive standard of the ordinary Indian

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Govindan lives at a high economic standard. He has built a decent house. He married a woman named Devaki, who was 12 years old. Her name is not one traditionally associated with the matrilineal Thiyya community. In Tellicherry, the matrilineal Thiyya are steadily approaching the Brahmanical faith. The English administration has provided them with the means to do so.

If this continues, it won’t be long before the matrilineal Thiyya begin to believe they are Hindus. They will embrace Vedanta, the Upanishads, and more. The Hindus (Brahmins) are experiencing a state of having lost the tools to prevent this. Their agents, the Nairs, also stand in the social battlefield without weapons!

Just a few miles away, no significant change has occurred among the Thiyya. Many of them have lived for ages bound by social chains. Their names include Pokkan, Pokki, Naani, Naanu, Kausu, and Pirukku. A few are landowners. They are Thiyya. They maintain distance from those referred to as Thiyan or Thiyathi.

However, in those times, most people travelled on foot. Thus, communities and societies just a few trivial miles apart were vastly distant. Some economically well-off individuals had horse carts—jadukkas. While these could be used to travel to and fro within the town, it does not seem that such people had the means to travel miles. (I have the experience of going to school in a jadukka during my childhood.)

Govindan’s children study in good schools. He has built a high-quality house. No significant mental suppression based on caste is felt in Tellicherry. It is under English administration. His children, along with others, visit Nair and Brahmin households, engaging in recreational activities with friends there. Growing up in such an environment, these people have no knowledge of the social elevations and degradations nearby. Their attitude is: Aren’t all humans the same? What’s the significance of caste?

Some families among the matrilineal Thiyya in Tellicherry are experiencing significant growth. They hold high positions in government jobs. Many engage in trade. One major trade I have some knowledge of is the bakery business, which has risen to the level of an industry.

It seems that the real technical know-how for the growth of this bakery industry came from the family of Murdoch Brown, a British man of Scottish descent. A few things need to be said about him, but that can come later.

It is assumed that the Scots are feudal language natives. Thus, it seems they faced less difficulty learning the languages of this peninsula. While aligned with the English administration, they could exhibit an elevated mental state, but the opposite disposition could also emerge in them quickly.

The efficiency and operational history of the English administration in this peninsula were, to some extent, diminished by these Celtic (Irish, Scottish, Welsh) language speakers. Viewed this way, what is generally called British rule must be assumed to include a language culture opposite to English within the framework of English administration. More on this later.

The Thiyya who have risen do not wish to align with the lower Thiyya. They dislike being referenced in connection with them. Moreover, they feel significant mental distress when the lower Thiyya also rise.

This is one aspect.

Another aspect is the problems faced by Nairs, Ambalavasis, and Brahmins. For ages, lower groups have begun addressing their children with terms like olu (lowest she), inhi (lowest you), or simply by name. In reality, what is called social reform in feudal language regions is this demonic development. This is because social issues are created by language codes.

The language degrades certain people. This degradation fosters immense demonic powers within them. Mere words like inhi (lowest you), oan (lowest he), olu (lowest she), enthane (what’s that, male), or enthale (what’s that, female) are enough to destroy the mental restraint, culture, and individuality of people from higher communities. In feudal language societies, social reform means unleashing these demonic powers and communication codes.

The reality is that the English administration did not gain significant awareness of this issue. However, this was a major reason for fostering a subtle anti-English sentiment in this subcontinent. Even today, this issue persists as a significant demonic force in social reform in this subcontinent.

In the southern part of this subcontinent, the immigrant Syriac Christians did not attempt to reform or uplift lower groups. Instead, it seems they tried to keep slaves as slaves. However, Christian missionaries from England endeavoured to do so. In reality, this unleashed the demonic forces mentioned above. Even today, this issue is intertwined with Christian missionary activities in some parts of this subcontinent.

Groups that were given immense subservience and respect for ages are now rising and addressing others with degrading language codes. For any individual or family with a modicum of self-respect and social dignity, this is unbearable.

The sentiment behind the burning alive of Australian Christian missionary Graham Stuart Staines and his children in their vehicle on January 23, 1999, after pouring petrol on it, may have been this. It is unlikely to have been Hindu religious communalism. However, the reality is that there is little understanding of this matter.

The crime Graham Stuart Staines was accused of by the perpetrators was stated as follows: fed villagers beef and gave women brassieres and sanitary towels. The real issue with social reform is the unleashing of the reins held by language codes.

This social secret may also underlie the intense opposition to Islam in many quarters. More on this can be said later.

The English populace still has no awareness of such a phenomenon existing in the world. Even if explained, they try to understand it through their language. Since English lacks this demonic quality, they cannot grasp what is being conveyed.

In Tellicherry, the significant growth of the matrilineal Thiyya in that small region must have been a problem for Nairs, the higher Ambalavasis, Brahmins (Hindus). This may not have been directly from the matrilineal Thiyya themselves but more from their familial connections.

Lower groups begin defining people from Nair, Ambalavasi, and Brahmin families as equals in word codes. These equalising words, in reality, cause suppression. This may be somewhat difficult for the English to understand, as it seems there are no language codes in English to comprehend how equality becomes suppression.

It is believable that the notion that the English administration caused this social insecurity was a topic of private conversation among Nair, Ambalavasi, and Brahmin families. Many of these individuals were members of the Congress, a political party that seemed like a sort of club for social elites.

Gandhi, from the Porbandar state, entered British India and disrupted Congress, turning things upside down. In British India, Congress was a pathway to play political games aligned with the English administration to gain entry into the administrative machinery.

However, for those who lived in England and returned, living as equals with the ordinary people of this subcontinent was indeed difficult. They likely felt the need to stand a step above. This attitude persists among such individuals today. This is because those who have lived in England, experiencing life beyond the various communication barriers of this nation, are distinct.

They have lived as equals with the English. In India, most people are in the units numerical position, mentally and in communication status, below even a government office peon. Upon returning from England, one must at least become a national-level leader. Otherwise, one risks becoming just an ordinary Indian!





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10. The illusory universe created by the languages of wild creatures

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Returning to Tellicherry. It seems that in this direction, the writing is closely intertwined with the historical events of Malabar, the Madras Presidency, Travancore, and this peninsula. It will be necessary to write about various communities without any concealment. This is because everyone in this land propagates the notion that the English are responsible for all social and other subjugations. Crowds, while hiding many things, are spreading blatant lies.

However, no particular group can be singled out for blame in this matter, as no one is lagging behind in this regard.

In Malabar, the communities can generally be described as follows: Brahmins, Ambalavasis, Nairs, matrilineal Thiyya, makkathayam Thiyya, numerous other communities in a hierarchical order below them, traditional Christians, lower-caste individuals from Travancore who converted to Christianity, various groups among the Mappilas, and so on.

In Travancore, the communities can generally be described as follows: Brahmins, Ambalavasis, Nairs, Ezhavas, Chovvans, Shanars, numerous other communities in a hierarchical order below them, Syriac Christians, lower-caste individuals who converted to Christianity, Methans, and other Muslims, among others.

All of them, as far as possible, strive to showcase grand legacies and traditions in their heritage and ancestors. Often, these are far removed from reality.

When stating things clearly, it is natural for each community to feel that this writing specifically targets them. This writing has no such intention. It is as clear as daylight that this writing holds no special allegiance, obligation, or loyalty to any community in this subcontinent.

When discussing past events, there is no need for today’s communities to take responsibility or feel guilt for the actions of their ancestors. This is because the current existence of every individual is a result of history unfolding in this manner. Had any community acted even slightly differently in history, none of the people alive today would have been born.

Another point to address is the perception that local languages are being attacked. Readers may have noticed that this writing rarely uses English terms commonly substituted for Malayalam words. The only exception is in the case of place names, where a contrary approach has been taken.

It seems there was a project at the language institute and laboratory in Trivandrum to create new Malayalam words and technical terms. As a result, it is now possible to write Malayalam without relying on English terms. Readers may find beauty and enjoyment in these words, sentences, the rhythm they create, and their aesthetic appeal.

The question may arise in the reader’s mind: what is the motivation for attacking languages that evoke such beautiful emotional experiences?

The answer can be given as follows: It may be true that worms, reptiles, fish, birds, quadruped animals, and others collectively experience various emotional sensations in their minds and bodies. Sensations such as taste, the pleasure of touch, emotional fluctuations caused by sights, enjoying fragrances, the sweetness of sound, affection, loveliness, beauty, joy, love, sweet memories, dreams, indelible memories, the charm of the moon rising as an eternal enigma in the heights of darkness, the thrill of a gentle breeze, the sweetness and longing of love, and many other experiences may indeed exist in the minds of such creatures. Some creatures may even possess sensory pleasures absent in humans.

If these emotional experiences, vibrant and touching, could be tuned into the innate language systems of these creatures—heard, felt, tasted, experienced as pleasant aromas, or seen—their languages would indeed be profoundly enjoyable.

Human languages are much the same. The experiences provided by the five senses and those beyond can be enjoyed, tuned or untuned, by speakers of each language. However, language is not merely a software for communication. It is an entity of immense complexity, containing numerous other capabilities and social design codes. Language is not a software limited to merely evoking auditory beauty or sweet thoughts in the mental strings of the mind.

The ability to create poetic beauty is but a minuscule part of a language’s capabilities. When these trivial abilities are amplified, magnified, and broadcast through musical instruments, songs, slogans, poetry gatherings, novels, short stories, film songs, screenplays, television, videos, loudspeakers, and more, the other tendencies, capabilities, shortcomings, unfortunate, painful, undesirable, unbeneficial, and destructive aspects of those languages remain hidden from people’s attention.

This writing is one that remains unswayed, unenticed, and uncharmed by the delusions, illusions, desires, fantasies, and misconceptions that melody, music, and sweet sounds can evoke in the mind.

This writing has been deliberately crafted with poetic beauty woven into it.






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11. Various consequences of uplifting the lowest castes

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Govindan, the father of CPS, joined the Congress. As mentioned earlier, the Congress back then was a gathering of the society's elite. Not only in Malabar but across this subcontinent, they expressed a policy of public service unprecedented in history, both in speeches and writings.

However, none of them ever tried to lead those under their control towards equality or uplift them. There was no need for it either.

Yet, their narrative was that the English rule was the villain of the land. The reality, however, was entirely different.

The truth is that the young men from England, who tried to introduce English egalitarian ideas into the administrative machinery of British India, did not fully grasp the horror of what they were doing. For ages, those at the bottom—addressed as "Inhi," "chekkans," "pennus," "Oan," "Olu," "eda," "edi," or merely by name—were trapped in linguistic codes. The English administration was implementing plans to free these people. If the English language spread and, in its silver light, such social transformations occurred, there would be no significant issue. However, in many places, the social elites were thrown into disarray.


The British-Indian government allocated funds to run schools and colleges, but many powerful factions took the money and started local language schools instead. The reason? A nightmare scenario: "If the lowly lads start speaking English, what will happen, dear God!"

Moreover, the reckless actions of English officials were indeed terrifying. For instance, during the East India Company's rule in Malabar, Henry Valentine Conolly, the Malabar District Collector, once visited the Tellicherry Subdivisional office. There, he saw Churyayi Kanaran, a Thiyya individual who had joined as an officer, working while seated on a grass mat on the floor. Higher-caste officials worked seated on chairs.

Conolly immediately ordered that this man be given a table and a chair. These foolish English officials were overturning social discipline with such actions. They didn’t know what they were doing. Worse, no one bothered to explain the deeper implications of their actions to the masses. Later, this same Henry Valentine Conolly was hacked to pieces by a few Mappilas from southern Malabar in front of his wife at the Calicut Collector's bungalow. However, it was the Mappilas of Kundotti who chased down and cornered the murderers. That incident will be discussed later.

It is known that the aforementioned Churyayi Kanaran later retired as the Deputy Collector of Malabar District. It seems he was also among those who conspired to stab the matrilineal Thiyyas in the back. The mindset of "if I rise, no one below me should rise as much" is a code inherent in feudal languages.

Malabar is part of the Madras Presidency. What happened in the Madras Presidency was similar to what occurred in Malabar. Robert William Escourt Ashe, the Collector of Tirunelveli, was a man who seemed to have sworn to suppress social evils. He appears to have been of English-Irish descent.

The waterfall at Courtallam had, for ages, been reserved for the use of higher castes only. Disregarding this tradition, Ashe passed a law allowing everyone to come and bathe in the water. While this might seem like a grand social reform at first glance, it was akin to a single-digit figure entering the domain of a crore-digit figure in the language codes. It’s evident that this would cause confusion for the crore-digit figure. It’s as explosive as a female constable addressing an IAS officer as "Inhi" today.

The English wouldn’t understand what’s wrong with a constable addressing someone as "you." Even today. They’d wonder, "What kind of 'you' is that?"

It seems Ashe’s wife, Mary Lillian Patterson, was also somewhat defiant and clueless. Once, while the two were travelling by horse cart through the district, they saw a woman from a lowly caste screaming in labour pain. Mary Lillian demanded that the woman be taken to a nearby hospital. However, right ahead was a Brahmin agraharam, and the Brahmins would not allow this woman to be taken through it. The issue lies in the language codes. Tamil is a language capable of trampling the higher-ups underfoot if given the chance.

Since English language codes are unaware of this issue, Ashe loaded the lowly caste woman and her companions onto his horse cart and proceeded through the agraharam. It was as if the kitchen maids from the neighbouring house walked into an IPS officer’s home and sat at the dining table. The IPS officer and his family would lose their mental balance.

The Brahmins blocked the cart. Ashe used the whip he controlled his horse with to strike them aside and moved the cart forward, delivering the woman to the hospital. Even today, Indian freedom struggle leaders cannot forgive him for this. Their history records it as a Britisher coming and whipping Indians.

Ashe caused significant mental distress to many Brahmins. They nicknamed him "Chandala Sinner Ashe."

On 17 June 1911, while he and his wife were travelling by train, the train stopped at Maniyachi Station. At that moment, a young Brahmin man boarded the compartment and shot Ashe in the chest in front of his wife, killing him. Afterwards, the young man ran across the platform and entered a toilet. The police and crowd surrounded the place. If he came out, the crowd wouldn’t let him face English legal proceedings, especially since it was clear a Brahmin had killed their beloved Collector. The young man committed suicide in the toilet.

The names of those arrested in the following days in connection with this case are worth noting: Neelakanta Brahmachari, Vanchi Iyer, Arumugam Pillai, Somasundaram Pillai, Dharma Iyer, Madhaswami, Ramaswami Iyer, Jagannatha Iyengar, Harihara Iyer, Mahadevar Iyer, and so on.

While British rule in Tellicherry did not create significant opposition among the higher castes, generally speaking, in Malabar, the Madras Presidency as a whole, British India far and wide, and even in nearby foreign kingdoms like Travancore, it caused considerable tremors in the social structure.

What’s worth mentioning here is that many individuals among the educated higher classes who studied English seemed convinced that caste issues should be avoided and were wrong. However, they also sensed there was some other problem, though they weren’t sure what it was. Simply lifting someone from the bottom and placing them on a chair doesn’t achieve the egalitarian ethos intended in English.

Instead, the person given the seat, from that pedestal, tries to strike down the one who gave it to them. They have no awareness of the other’s magnanimity. Instead, they think, "This is my right. This man who kept me on the floor all this time must be trampled down." That’s the nature of the language.

At the same time, there’s a slight doubt whether the Irish side of Robert William Escourt Ashe’s surviving family feels a tinge of respect for the young man who shot him. The reason being that the Irish traditionally harbour envy towards England. Most places where British rule did good were under English administration. In contrast, the Celtic-speaking regions likely experienced setbacks.

Ashe’s murder caused immense emotional pain among those who received the news in British India. Its ripples spread in Malabar too.


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Maniyachi Railway Station in Tamil Nadu, India, is now renamed Vanchi Maniyachi Railway Station in honour of Vanchinathan, who assassinated Robert William Escourt Ashe.

To honour Vanchinathan, an Indian freedom fighter who shot and killed Robert William Escourt Ashe, the Maniyachi Railway Station’s name was changed to Vanchi Maniyachi Railway Station, as shown in the board above.

Image owner: Sundar
Image is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 4.0 International, 3.0 Unported, 2.5 Generic, 2.0 Generic, and 1.0 Generic license.




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12. The French who remained as the joker in the pack

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In the fabricated tale of the freedom struggle, history books generally do not mention a group that stood as the joker in the pack throughout. That group was the French. They were the ones who, in reality, fought the English for "Indian independence" in South Asia from start to finish. Even before Robert Clive’s time, this group made significant efforts in this regard. In the Battle of Plassey, the actual fighting took place between the French army and South Asian soldiers on the English side. The ruler of Murshidabad and his army had already fled for their lives that morning.

The clear reason why South Asian local soldiers, working under English officers, displayed great physical prowess and maturity can be seen in the language codes. There is much to say about this, which can be discussed later.

It seems the English East India Company’s factory was at Dharmadam Island. This is an island a few kilometres north of Tellicherry town, situated in the sea close to the shore. At the same time, it appears the French trading centre was at Mahe, in the territory of the Kadathanad king, at the estuary of the Mahe River (Mayyazhi River).

Creating daily rebellions in British India must have been a matter of great amusement for the French. Often, when the French side fought and lost to the English side, the surrendering French soldiers were allowed by the English to leave their forts with full military honours. They would march out, flying their flag, sounding their bugles. No one in this subcontinent had ever seen such military customs before.

Surrendering with respectful words, only for the conversation to shift to terms like "Inhi," "dog," "enthadi," or "Oan" after surrender, and beating the surrendered—this was the typical martial valour of this subcontinent.

If the French were ungrateful, the English were, for ages, fools. There is much to say about this, but I won’t delve into it now. If I did, the writing would extend beyond this subcontinent to many lands.

In the previous writing, the Belgian-made Browning automatic pistol used to shoot and kill Robert William Escourt Ashe, the Tirunelveli Collector, seems to have come from the French side. The reason being that Pondicherry, under French rule, existed like a fissure within the Madras Presidency. It was a haven for many big players causing trouble in British India. They would escape there and pledge support to the French.

The regions the French held in this subcontinent were so fragile that a slight press of the finger could crush them. Yet, the English side never made a move to do so. The reason? They never broke their word on agreements. This is the exact opposite of the nature of the people of this subcontinent. When one side grows strong, the other becomes mere carrion in the language codes. No one keeps their word to those without respect.

North of Tellicherry, the English flag flies. Just to the south, in Mahe, stands the French fort.

This must have been a significant social experience for the people of Tellicherry. However, in truth, many local petty kings and others played both sides against each other, reaping huge profits from the middle. This arrangement truly began after the Portuguese, when the Dutch set foot in the southern part of this subcontinent. The news that a new kind of mercenary army from Europe, ready to fight for money or pepper, had arrived reached many local kings.

However, this came to an end with the arrival of the English. They didn’t just engage in trade; they made efforts to liberate the masses who had lived as slaves for ages. With this, the social order began to turn upside down.

Yet, the massive changes in society wouldn’t be fully understood by an ordinary person living at the time. The reason being that they only know the social conditions around their home at birth. Everything before that seems ancient to them. They feel they are living in modern times, in a modern era.

They have no knowledge of things just beyond their surroundings.

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13. Getting the one being uplifted to strike down the one uplifting

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It may be a common sight today: people passionately demanding new laws to address and correct social issues. They demand laws that don’t harm their own interests.

However, the central hub where social issues and evils are codified lies in feudal language codes. Those displaying such heroic zeal are never prepared to amend these codes. The reason? Merely hinting at this would shake their leadership positions.

In feudal languages, what every hero does is organise a small group of people capable of making them a leader. On that stage, they become a big brother, big sister, sir, madam, doctor, or something else. Establishing this small royal system, operating within it, and projecting it outward is the path to social glory.

Today, this issue is spreading to English-speaking nations as a kind of social disease. The reason? Feudal language speakers, feeling suffocated in their own countries, are fleeing and infiltrating those places.

Since Govindan reached economic heights, he prefers to socially connect with other societal elites. Most of them are Brahmins, temple-dwellers, Nayars, and others. They, too, are engaged in grand social upliftment projects in Tellicherry. Easy tasks are the most enjoyable—meaning platform speeches.

Flipping through a few pages of The History of Freedom Movement in Kerala Vol. 2, published in 1966, I came across the names of freedom fighters or social reformers:

Mr K. P. Gayatri Vallabha Iyer, Messrs. M. Rrishnan Nalr, Sadasiva Bhat, K. P. Raman Menon, and Vengayil Kunhiraman Nayanar.

Messrs. C. Sankaran Nair, G. P. Ihilai, V. Ryru Nambiar, C. Kunhiraina Menori, K. P. Achutha Menon, K. U. Narayana Menon, M. Krishuan Nair, C. Karunakara Menon, S. K. Nair, and Dr. T. M. Nair.

Mr. C. Sankaran Nair, Mr. K. Ramakrishna Pillai, Zamorin of Calicut, the Senior Raja of Nilambur, and the Raja of Kollengode, Messrs K. P. Raman Menon, G. Sankaran Nair, M. M. Kunhirama Menon, and K. Madhavaa Nair.

Mr. Kunhirama Menon, Mr. K. Ramakrishna Pillai, &c.

I don’t recall whether these people were from Malabar, Cochin, or Travancore.

However, what’s worth noting is that the very title of this grandiose book is designed to fool people. Malabar and Travancore were entirely different kingdoms during that period. Yet, today, it’s impossible to think this way. That’s merely a sign of history books successfully rewriting the narrative—not the reality.

All the names mentioned above belong to those traditionally from the feudal landlord class or their agents. While the English administration quietly carries out massive social reforms in Malabar without fanfare, what are these learned men going to do about it?

The English administration is wiping out the word codes that, for ages, have divided people into layers and injected demonic traits into those at the bottom. In a society of thousands, it’s transforming the landscape of hills and valleys, showing the masses the divine vision of communicative equality.

Not a single person mentioned above would even hint at doing such a thing in their workplace, family, familial relations, or among their subordinates. So, how are these great men going to bring social equality and reform to a region with thousands of people?

Official history is nothing but a monthly scam, siphoning off government funds to write foolish nonsense.

Govindan keeps regular company with people like those mentioned above. Meetings, speeches, welcoming Gandhi, receiving Sarojini Naidu if she comes—such activities. The public has no significant role in these. The reason? They shouldn’t be allowed too close. If they get too close, many might think, “This is quite an enjoyable event.” If they start practising such things, there would be too many people in leadership positions.

Generally speaking, for the people, these matters are mere curiosities. The reason? British India is their country. There are no significant issues. Government offices are staffed only by local officials. Their behaviour, along with that of the police, lawyers, and their clerks, isn’t entirely free of the vileness of local feudal language. However, there are no other problems. Corruption in government offices is virtually non-existent.

A change has occurred in Govindan’s name. People have started referring to him as Gandhi Govi. The word “Gandhi” comes before the name. Thus, it doesn’t seem to indicate respect. This matter is tied to language software. I can’t say more about it now. But consider this: Ashari Raman. Raman Ashari. Which one carries respect and honour?

Higher castes face no direct troubles from the English. But the matrilineal Thiyyas do. Their social growth injects great dangers into the language codes. This will be discussed in the next writing.

The most cunning tactic in local feudal languages is getting the one being uplifted to strike down the one uplifting. This is what traditional social elites are going to do.

CPS is studying at an English school at the time. One evening, L....ka Prabhu, a woman from the prominent, elite Chetti/Shetty family, enters the house with others. She knows Govindan. She comes with this call:

There’s a demonstration tomorrow. Everyone must join against British rule. We shouldn’t live as the English’s lackeys.

This is said in the home of descendants of people who, for centuries, languished at the bottom of social darkness, their bodies pierced and disfigured by the sharp nails of word codes. At the moment she speaks, these householders have emerged from that darkness, their iron-nail wounds polished, their bodies and minds bathed in light. The person entering the house to say this belongs to the lineage of those who, for centuries, kept this household’s ancestors pinned in social slavery.

Who are they being called to drive out? The very establishment that socially uplifted the people in this house.

For Gandhi Govi, L....ka Prabhu’s visit to the house is a great social honour. She shone brightly all over.

It seems there was no Communist Party in Tellicherry at the time. For those from higher castes aiming to leap into social leadership, the Congress was the only platform available. Many of them were Gandhi Govi’s friends. One of them later joined the Communist Party and, in later years, was celebrated as a great revolutionary leader across Kerala.

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14. Social reform fostering insecurity in society

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The feudal language words Adheham (highest he), Ayaal (middle he/she), Oan (lowest he) carry immense power. This must be understood and handled with deliberate care. One must interact in society with great discernment, measuring others, bringing some closer, keeping others at a distance. Some must be suppressed with words, and they should know it. Others must be respected, and this too should be made clear to them.

Such wickedness does not exist in English. Keeping such wicked societies at bay is essential for the health of English-speaking communities. However, they do not fully grasp the depth of this issue. All they perceive is the disgust and repulsion it evokes in them. Those on this side, with great cunning, define these utterly unjustifiable mental attitudes as racial discrimination.

What happens here is that a clearly non-wicked population is labelled as wicked by crowds that are distinctly demonic in their wickedness.

Let’s take a small peek into the inner chambers of this wickedness.

A police constable addresses superiors as Sir, Adheham, Avaru, Oru, Oru Maadam, and so on. This poses no significant issue for him. The reason? This subservience grants him various powers, either explicitly given by those above or implicitly allowed through turning a blind eye, ignoring, or silently permitting his misdeeds. Constables can define a large section of the masses as Inhi, Oan, Olu, eda, edi, and so forth.

These masses accept this suppression through word codes, and among themselves, they implement the same strategy, creating anarchy and living in it. When this anarchy crosses limits, some complain to the police. Police constables arrive, display their authority, and even lay hands on many of them.

Such a social condition simply does not exist in English.

It was the same in Tellicherry and other parts of Malabar. Nayars would show subservience to temple-dwellers and Brahmins. In return, they receive subservience from the masses beneath them. Nayars can define them as Inhi, Oan, Olu, enthane, enthalu, and so on. Yet, no one complains about this. The reason? This has been the social condition since birth.

Today, in local language schools, teachers behave the same way toward students. Students, in turn, show respect. If called Inhi, eda, or edi, they respond by addressing the teacher as Sir. I witnessed an incident involving a student from such a school who relocated to England. I won’t delve into the details. When this person returned to the homeland, the school held a reception for him. Privately, he came to me and said, “This isn’t a school. These teachers aren’t teachers; they’re just riffraff.” He said this in English.

The issue is that in England, when teachers enter a classroom, students don’t stand to show subservience. Teachers don’t differentiate the generic word you into Inhi or Sir. Words like he, his, him, she, her, hers are used similarly.

This wasn’t the case in Tellicherry. Some Thiyyas in Tellicherry have entered government jobs. A government job in English is just a job. But for a feudal language speaker, becoming a government employee is different. He becomes an Oru, and the public becomes Oan. Because of this issue, appointing feudal language speakers to high positions can cause the entire government system to rot and become filthy. The public stinks, while the government office worker stands filled with fragrance and gold. Women won’t want to marry those who stink; they prefer those who carry fragrance.

In Tellicherry, the English administration has opened government jobs to those who, for ages, stank in the word codes. They (the English) don’t even know what they’re doing.

The matter of value hierarchy from 1 to 10 in each word code was mentioned earlier. In a tea shop ten miles from Tellicherry, a Nayar and a Thiyya are talking. The Nayar’s relative is a peon in Tellicherry’s government sub-division office. This is a big deal. The reason? Nayars, under the name Kolkar, worked as peons for the English East India Company. This position gave them significant social authority. According to the Malabar Manual, it was such a Kolkar who killed Pazhassi Raja and about ten others near Wynad, close to Mysore.

This Nayar’s relative holds government authority. He reveals information that allows word code values to move closer to 10. But this is English rule. Things are muddled. The Thiyya also has something to reveal: “My uncle’s son is in the police. He’s a constable.” Though also a peon rank, it carries slightly more authority.

The value increase in word codes related to this Thiyya becomes very evident.

As time progresses, the inland Thiyya speaks of Tellicherry relatives with significant elevation. “Oan (he) is a government clerk, a superintendent, a deputy magistrate, and even a deputy collector.”

Such relational information causes ripples in the Inhi-Ingal social bond across society. Relational ties stretch, tighten, and shake violently. Those traditionally above feel distressed, while those below display defiance.

Things aren’t like they are in England. There, no matter who a student’s relative is, word codes don’t shift. That person won’t address the teacher or their children as Inhi, Oan, or Olu.

But in Malabar, things are different. Relatives of Thiyyas in high government positions turn this into a song in the village. For everyone singing this song, the word codes about this Thiyya gain value. Nayar families without influential government connections face a value drop in word codes.

This creates a terrifying atmosphere.

The teacher (Raman Mash) enters the classroom. Everyone stands, except one. Why? His uncle passed the IPS exam and has taken up the post of ASP in the region. The teacher treats this student with slight respect. After all, he’s connected to someone important. Then the student says to the teacher, “Rama, Inhi, just take lesson three today.” He continues, asking, “Has Inhi’s Olu (your wife) returned from the hospital?”

This scenario may seem utterly implausible when read. Yet, in Malabar, such ghastly changes were creeping into social relations and communication. However, this happened only to a small extent. The reason? The English administration didn’t allow the local social order to be revolutionarily overturned. Moreover, the presence of courts restrained English rule. The absurdity of allowing individuals to file petitions against English rule in courts was a hallmark of English administration.

In southern Malabar, the events known as the Mappila Rebellion, which foolish histories depict as a grand freedom struggle, are connected to the above matters. However, that’s a different place with many other complexities. Those will be addressed later.

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15. The social condition that adversely affected Tellicherry’s local elites

Post posted by VED »

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In this writing, the discussion of Tellicherry and Malabar is presented as a reflection of the events that occurred across this subcontinent during English rule. The social changes that took place in these small regions, both minor and major, likely occurred in all places under English administration throughout the subcontinent.

Many of the matters presented in this writing may be difficult to find in official histories. The reason? Official history often focuses on the lives of kings and the overly glorified deeds of politicians. However, social realities, human attitudes, emotional deviations, social upheavals, personal provocations, likes and dislikes, repulsions, and more—none of which fit into these categories—may be ignored by such official histories. Yet, it is in these elements that the essence, strength, vitality, vigour, marrow, substance, core, and goodness of English rule truly lie.

The social, mental, and other forms of upliftment that emerged among a small group of matrilineal Thiyyas in Tellicherry likely had the most adverse impact on local Nayars. Brahmins and temple-dwellers may have experienced a lesser degree of distress. Matrilineal Thiyyas began studying in local language schools and English schools. This likely caused significant mental strain in Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin families.

However, in many inland Malayalam language schools, caste-based separations were maintained to some extent, at least in matters like children sitting together. It is known that in Calicut, the old royal family ran a school exclusively for Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin children.

In Tellicherry’s English schools, however, students studied together without caste considerations. As a result, many of CPS’s classmates were Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin children. Since communication in English schools was in English, there were no significant issues. However, society clearly operated in the Malabari language. Thus, a small section of Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin communities likely viewed English schools—where higher-caste children studied alongside matrilineal children without caste considerations—with disdain and apprehension.

This situation might be akin to the children of commissioned officers in the Indian Army studying alongside the children of ordinary soldiers. In Hindi language word codes, ordinary soldiers are placed firmly at the bottom. When their children study together with the children of commissioned officers and use egalitarian word codes like eda, edi, or Inhi in the local language, it could shake the status and dignity of their parents. In a fully English school, however, such issues are less likely to arise.

It’s unclear how the Indian Army addresses this issue. However, in areas with army barracks, it seems there is often a military school alongside a Kendriya Vidyalaya. This isn’t certain. The mental atmosphere in military schools, in terms of quality, seems rather deplorable. Yet, in feudal language societies, such individuals are needed for numerous occupational sectors. Thus, those studying in such places may successfully join and thrive in these job roles.

While Kendriya Vidyalayas may not have a high standard of student-teacher communication, the relatively higher social status of the students likely creates a different mental atmosphere. This isn’t certain.

In Tellicherry, many Nayar families, imagining their children studying alongside those considered caste inferiors through the lens of the Malabari language, suffered mental distress and were reluctant to send their children to such schools. They could send their children to the Samoothiri school in Calicut, but Calicut lies in southern Malabar, beyond the Korapuzha River—a distant place. Sending children there for education wasn’t practical.

It seems many Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin families did not send their children for English education. However, as English rule strengthened in the Madras Presidency and a nation called British India gained prominence on the world stage, the children of Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin families who stayed away from English education faced significant setbacks. Local feudal languages, which degrade a large portion of humanity, were not permitted—knowingly or unknowingly—by English rule to dominate the administrative machinery.

A point worth mentioning here is: how can languages that degrade so many people be defined as superior? Wouldn’t it be more appropriate and understandable to redefine them and assign a more fitting, less flattering name?

It’s not enough to say that knowledge of English was mandatory for government officer positions. Rather, a deep familiarity with English classical literature was required. The reason for this impression will be discussed later. Those joining as government officers needed to have an English mindset capable of building an England in this land. Due to this condition, many Nayar, temple-dweller, and Brahmin individuals who avoided English education were denied eligibility for government officer roles.

This likely contributed to significant mental resentment toward English rule among them. The reason? These English upstarts were the cause of such troubles.

Some Nayars likely experienced immense monthly distress. If matrilineal Thiyyas were freed from social shackles, the first to become their social prey would be Nayar families not at the societal pinnacle. The freedom brought by English rule to Tellicherry’s society fostered a sense of personal growth among a small group of matrilineal Thiyyas. Good stature, an unbowed posture, fair complexion, English language proficiency, English attire, family members in government positions—these were among their attributes.

If this growth were confined to an English language environment, there would be no issue. However, in a feudal language environment, it becomes a problem. Feudal languages view humility as foolishness or a lack of capability.



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16. Envisioning a little England in British Malabar

Post posted by VED »

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English rule in Malabar nurtured a small but significant group of people proficient in the English language. There was an expectation on the part of the English administration that this language proficiency would spread and transfer to others. This is clearly indicated by Lord Macaulay in his Minutes on Indian Education, known as the East India Company’s education policy declaration.

However, in this land, no matter what else is shared with others, those who acquire high-quality English knowledge are reluctant to pass it on. A clear example of this is currently observable. Victoria: Institutions on Telegram has facilitated numerous English learning channels. Members actively engage in learning daily. Yet, the reality is that none of them bring their acquaintances to these channels.

In CPS’s youth, many English books, worn with age, were seen at home, indicating familiarity through reading.

Consider the names of these English classical literary authors and characters: Oscar Wilde, Somerset Maugham, Charles Dickens, Sir Walter Scott, R L Stevenson, PG Wodehouse, Agatha Christie, Jack London, Sherlock Holmes (created by Sir Arthur Conan Doyle), AJ Cronin, Scarlet Pimpernel (created by Baroness Orczy), Mark Twain, O. Henry, Daphne du Maurier, George Eliot, Jane Austen, Brontë Sisters, Lewis Carroll, Rudyard Kipling, George Bernard Shaw, Thomas Carlyle, Thackeray, &c. (some of whom are not English). It is understood that the people of Malabar who gained English language proficiency at the time had experiential wealth from reading such literary works.

While it can be said that William Shakespeare’s works were seen at home as textbooks, the reality is that Shakespeare’s works are not suitable for pristine English learning. This will be discussed later.

The question that arises here is: what is so noteworthy about reading the works of the authors listed above? After all, stories can be written in any language.

At a police station in England, an English taxi driver is questioned by the police. The questioning is startling.

“What’s Inhi’s name, eh?”
The taxi driver, bowing, replies, “Saar, my name is Peter.”
“Where’s Inhi’s driving licence?”
“I’ve already given it to the other Saar.”

Now, imagine an Indian taxi driver questioned at an Indian police station, depicted in English:

“May I know your name, please?” / “What is your name?”
“I am Peter.”
“May I see your driving licence?”
“I have already handed it over to the Sub-Inspector.”

Stories can be written in any language. However, the depicted events shift according to the language codes.

Both depictions above are implausible—utterly foolish and incorrect. It’s as absurd as dubbing James Bond films in Tamil and releasing them.

Feudal languages and languages with flat codes are two entirely different worlds.

In reality, the first depiction reflects the imagination of Indian thuggish languages. Today, such thuggish depictions are applied to many English personalities. Recently, a video depiction of Thomas Alva Edison’s childhood, produced by some fool, was received via WhatsApp. In it, the teacher refers to Edison as Oan (he). His own mother addresses him as Inhi (you). This is not the Edison envisioned in English.

This is akin to the foolish depiction of the scene at the English police station mentioned above.

English rule in Malabar sought to bring about a human cultural upliftment never before seen in the recorded history of this subcontinent.

Answering the question of what is so remarkable about the works of the aforementioned authors is challenging. The reason? The stories in them could indeed be written in Malayalam, Tamil, Malabari, or Hindi. However, the characters created in these stories would differ as starkly as those dwelling in golden towers versus those in a chicken coop. English classical literature does not envision such characters.

Even proclaiming in Malayalam that individuals in languages with flat natures possess a grand mental standard is problematic. The reality is that no one is envisioned as such a grand person in English. Honorifics like Adheham, Avaru, Angunnu, Sir, Maadam, Mahatma, Ji, Chettan, Chechi, Guru, Gurudevan—such revered great personalities simply do not exist in English.

At the same time, in feudal languages, individuals may historically require a grand wall of honorifics behind or even before their names. Without these, their situation becomes lamentable. It is known that English Wikipedia had a policy against using honorific titles in article headings. Thus, a figure adorned with honorifics like Mahatma Gandhi or Gandhiji becomes plain M. K. Gandhi. This creates a significant issue. The personality floats away in the wind. It seems the very reason for the birth of Pakistan lies in this Gandhi issue. That will be addressed later.

The Gandhi issue became a major problem, a discussion, a dispute. Ultimately, Wikipedia surrendered to India’s overly informed academics. In other words, Indian Wikipedia pages were taken over by them.

Today, the title of Gandhi’s Wikipedia page reads Mahatma Gandhi. The opening sentence states: “Gandhi led India to independence and inspired movements for civil rights and freedom across the world.” This is a pure lie. Indian academic professors, earning monthly salaries of roughly 75,000 to 1 lakh rupees along with lavish benefits, can write this and more. They have no other significantly useful work to do in exchange for such benefits.

The matter of honorific titles is indeed a major issue. A personality not propped up by them risks collapsing in a massive social upheaval. For example, Sree Narayana Gurudevan. It seems this name includes approximately three honorific titles. The question arises: isn’t a plain name enough for great figures? Some related matters need to be discussed. That will be addressed later.

The English knowledge offered by English rule to the traditionally lower matrilineal Thiyya communities in northern Malabar is exemplified by the names of the English classical authors mentioned above. Reading such literary works naturally instils in the minds of these people a depth, mental grandeur, human equality thoughts, human rights awareness, unique human personality traits, and recognition of polite communication—none of which had ever before entered anyone in this subcontinent. These need not be studied as specific educational subjects. Even if studied as such, they wouldn’t come close to the conceptual particles derived from these works.

A minor point to mention is the question of how many of today’s English BA and MA holders have direct experiential knowledge from reading such literary works. It’s doubtful whether those familiar with these works would be interested in pursuing a BA or MA in India. Pursuing these degrees is akin to someone preparing for the IAS exam joining a peon’s job.


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17. How English classical literature surpasses ancient scholarship, knowledge, and wisdom

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English education influenced all individuals who received it, with English classical literature leaving a profound impact. This literature instilled England’s interpersonal and communication codes, which were entirely distinct from Malabar’s traditional behaviours and communication systems. Why say more? The social atmosphere in England was one that even continental Europeans gazed upon with envious eyes.

Today, in most English learning centres in India, English is taught by incorporating all the codes of local feudal languages. The reasons are many. One is that those who have stepped forward to teach English today have only a superficial understanding of English language traditions and their depth. Those formulating educational policies also lack clarity in this regard.

In Tellicherry, the influence of this language learning didn’t only affect a small group of matrilineal Thiyyas. It also impacted a small group of Brahmins, temple-dwellers, and Nayars. Many who gained proficiency in this language reaped various qualities from it. However, for higher-caste individuals without deep knowledge of this language, a significant problem arose. In terms of eligibility for high government positions, they were relegated to the level of lower castes in the Travancore kingdom.

In Travancore, most government jobs were denied to lower castes. In British India, however, higher castes were eligible for jobs like peons or clerks even without English knowledge, marking a key difference.

Matrilineal Thiyyas without deep English scholarship were also denied high government positions. However, they had not traditionally held such roles in Malabar.

Nevertheless, the fact that those proficient in English could access high positions without caste restrictions naturally fostered resentment toward the English language among those who didn’t secure such roles. At the same time, the significant positive changes brought by English to society were irrelevant to these individuals. The reason? They lived within feudal languages, where many in society and family competed with them over respect. What happened to society was inconsequential; what mattered was the respect and word-code value they received.

The obsession with honorific word codes, the fear of degrading words, and the selfishness they create do not exist in English.

Moreover, when those proficient in English communicate lightly—disregarding age, social status, family prestige, or economic standing—it naturally evokes bewilderment, anxiety, feelings of inadequacy, and inferiority in others. It doesn’t seem that English-proficient individuals make significant efforts to mitigate this. The reason? They, too, are feudal language speakers.

However, seeing others speak Malabari, Tamil, Malayalam, or Hindi doesn’t evoke such mental distress. The reason? Speakers of these languages experience various constraints and honorific-degrading codes.

A key point to note is that English lacks word codes that belittle others in general communication. Yet, others still develop animosity toward English.

The clear reason is that English speakers don’t have to face belittling word codes among themselves. Thus, their communication abilities seem excessively advanced, transcending their social or age-based limits.

The opposition to the English language can be channelled by society’s elites into opposition to English rule. This deception is still used by many major revolutionary movements today. Instead of highlighting the immense mental upliftment English offers individuals, these movements foster opposition to this powerful social reform language among those socially disadvantaged, rallying followers. If the rank-and-file prosper, leaders would struggle to confine them within degrading word codes.

Beyond the issues mentioned above, there was another, larger problem: matrilineal Thiyyas gaining exceptional English proficiency were seen by others as a threat, a competitor, and a challenge to their traditional knowledge, scholarship, and prestige.

What traditional scholarship did Nayars, temple-dwellers, and Brahmins possess? This must be examined. How can English classical literature, as noted in the previous writing, be deemed more valuable than these? It’s worth mentioning that Shakespeare’s works were excluded from the English literary treasure in the previous writing. Yet, how could unadulterated, ordinary English literary works challenge the scholarship, knowledge, and wisdom embedded in thousands of years of tradition—rooted in Vedas, Upanishads, Puranas, Brahmanas, Smritis, Dharmashastras, mantras, esoteric philosophies, and more—instilling fear in many? The reality is that this fear persists in this country today. English classical literature has been almost entirely removed from government academic syllabi.

In its place are insipid, low-quality English lessons and feudal language writings as study subjects. This is akin to sowing the wind and reaping a whirlwind. The reason? It moulds a degraded populace. Both foster gross indiscipline, mutual conflicts, and unnecessary competitive ambitions. The social atmosphere becomes filled with clamour. For people to step outside and behave freely, it requires the atmosphere of a festival market or a flood—neither of which are daily occurrences.

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18. Preventing the demonic codes of feudal languages from accessing the individual

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While it may be generally assumed that Brahmins traditionally possess vast knowledge from Sanskrit language traditions, the reality may not always align. During the time when the English East India Company ruled parts of this subcontinent, they received indications of numerous ancient texts and made significant efforts to uncover them. However, they struggled greatly to locate many of the texts referenced in various works.

This point refers not to Malabar but to northern parts of South Asia. Many palm-leaf manuscripts were found in isolated Brahmin households, scattered across vast distances.

In Malabar, ordinary Brahmins living in homes and traditional houses likely had knowledge of Vedic texts, rituals, worship practices, and Puranas relevant to their daily lives. However, it seems unlikely they possessed deep understanding of the inner workings of Vedic literature, mantras, their operational spheres, or the software mechanisms that drive them.

Even if such knowledge existed, it would merely constitute skills and scholarship, akin to a carpenter’s expertise in carpentry or a doctor’s proficiency in medical treatment.

English language proficiency brought to this land not just physical or occupational skills but a distinct personal growth and ease of communication previously unknown to humans and animals in this region.

About 17 years ago, this writer had the opportunity to translate a Malayalam work by a Vedic scholar into English. During that time, the scholar recited a few Vedic verses. Like the Ganges flowing with hundreds of rolling waves, these verses poured forth from an enigmatic conceptual realm, expressed in incomprehensible words, creating cosmic rhythms and ecstasy in the mind. Amid their melodic sweetness, a silent, enchanting music could be perceived. The words carried immense resonance. Beyond that, there was a sense that these verses contained mystical software codes, about which little is known even today.

The topic of esoteric software will be addressed later.

What was the state of this writer, listening to this flow of verses in that setting?

Imagine a room where a few IAS officers sit, conversing and controlling national operations with seemingly trivial mobile phones. An office peon stands in that room. To him, the IAS officers’ actions seem almost superhuman. With a few words, they mobilize police units and others across hundreds of miles. At best, the peon can carry grandly written office files back and forth. To speak to the IAS officers standing before him, he must hesitate.

This is the condition of many diverse communities in Malabar. Before the Brahminical essence of word codes, they must live as subordinates, stratified into various levels. Brahmin knowledge traditions were inaccessible even to Nayars.

The reason? The local language is feudal. Knowledge, food, clothing, seating arrangements, and living comforts must be measured, controlled, and distributed unevenly to those below. Unlike English-speaking nations today, where uniform facilities and rights are granted to all, providing such equality here would mirror the situation in the USA with enslaved Africans or European immigrants seeking opportunity. The more facilities society provides, the more rights and privileges people demand with a sense of entitlement. In English-speaking contexts, this danger isn’t immediately apparent. In feudal languages, however, the social order quickly collapses. Oru becomes Oan, and Oan becomes Oru. The first person’s mental state unravels, while the second experiences euphoric exaltation.

English language proficiency in Malabar didn’t grant the commoner the proximity to IAS officers that an office peon might have. Instead, it offered a community of ordinary English speakers and the mental aura of England’s social atmosphere. It brought individuals and personalities a clarity, simplicity, ease, lack of complexity, authenticity, and sincerity in social communication unprecedented in Malabar’s history—not impenetrable scholarship.

The traditional language of Malabar can classify humans and their souls, from the garbage heap to the peaks of Himalayan grandeur. Tamil, Kannada, Malayalam, Hindi, and others nearby are similar.

To an individual defined as a garbage heap by language codes, a space brimming with Brahminical word codes feels profoundly enchanting. This is one secret behind the melodic allure of old Malayalam film songs.

The personality of an individual so degraded is itself a pit. If this pit is likened to the Himalayas, the Himalayas would collapse downward. That’s another major issue, which won’t be addressed now.

A minor point to mention here is that attempting to equate social pits with social mountains using mere spoken English is fraught with danger. The first step is to prevent the cultivation of distinct personalities as social pits or mountains. This requires denying the demonic codes of feudal languages access to the individual from the day they are born.

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19. The divine radiance bestowed upon the elite in feudal languages

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The matter to be written here today concerns the relative superiority—mental, personal, socially moral, honest, and knowledge-based—of Nayars, and above them, temple-dwellers and Hindus (Brahmins).

Today, matrilineal and patrilineal Thiyyas in Malabar, numerous other lower castes, Chovvans, Ezhavas, and other lower castes in Travancore, various Christians, and occasionally Muslims, may claim the vast cultural heritage they inherited per South Asian traditions. However, in truth, it seems unlikely that people whose ancestors were lower castes had significant claim to Hindu traditions. Just as a servant in a grand household has limited claim to its legacy, lower castes seem to have a similar connection to Hindu traditions.

Indications in William Logan’s Malabar Manual suggest Nayars were great warriors, valiant heroes, military leaders in grand kingdoms, and heirs to a vast cultural heritage. Yet, the same text records Nayar behaviours that contradict these claims in many places. Numerous sections point in conflicting directions. Based on this, this writer has concluded that the Malabar Manual was not entirely written by William Logan alone.

From a lower-caste perspective, Nayars might have appeared to possess a divine radiance, aura, and physical splendour. To lower castes, a Nayar might seem an embodiment of knowledge and personal charisma, capable of doing what they could not. The very words of their own language restrained lower castes in many ways.

In reality, this phenomenon is not significantly observed among those who speak English locally.

About 30 years ago, this writer met a Scheduled Caste individual working as an officer in a public-sector institution in another state. This person could speak English reasonably well. However, it didn’t seem they held significant authority beyond their officer rank. While no overt physical flaws were noticeable, there was no evident divine radiance, aura, or physical splendour. Yet, this person was indeed knowledgeable. Occasionally, we would visit a nearby restaurant in the city for tea.

This individual was preparing for the IAS exam, urged daily by their spouse. It was a time when Parliament mandated that 20% of IAS/IPS positions be reserved for Scheduled Castes, with no minimum marks required for them in the exam. Still, this individual was knowledgeable.

(Some details about the IAS exam are planned for later writing, including more on this minimum marks issue.)

After a brief absence from that state, upon returning a few months later, I learned this person had passed the exam and was selected for IPS based on their rank. The results had come out just two days prior.

The next day, I visited this person at their current office. They were seated in their usual chair. As others in the office passed by, many, including some superiors, stopped to congratulate them.

Though this person had a slightly dark complexion, they exuded a certain glow, divine radiance, and something akin to physical splendour. Typically soft-spoken, they continued speaking quietly. Yet, their words carried immense melodic charm. Those around felt as though pearls fell from their mouth. Despite everyone being on the same physical level, this person seemed elevated in some way. Even their office superiors appeared slightly diminished.

I didn’t see this person again. Years later, by chance, I saw them in a YouTube video. They were a Joint Director or similar in a key central government police department, as I recall.

In the video, they delivered a brief speech. Without knowing their identity or position, one might not discern great grandeur in the speech. They used words sparingly and spoke softly. Yet, those with insight would recognize the power behind these concise words.

In the comment section, people from that state, who knew this person in some way, expressed profound admiration. They spoke of the speech’s deep scholarship, addressing this person as a divine personality or similar.

The story above is meant to connect to the divine radiance of Nayars in Malabar. However, the contexts differ, and the situations are not entirely alike.


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20. Some facts to know before attempting to redefine society

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It was not Shudra blood that flowed in Nayars but, for the most part, Brahmin blood. Can a definitive answer be given to whether there is anything inherently superior in the genes or DNA of Brahmins? In feudal language codes, the body and mind of a person granted superiority are inscribed with this elevated status in every dimension of virtual software codes. Their numerical value would be the highest.

The knowledge that one’s son or daughter carries the blood of a Brahmin, revered greatly in society, can itself reflect the highest value in these software codes, both in the mother and the child in her womb.

In children of lower castes, if their father is distinguished socially, intellectually, familially, or physically, a relative personal superiority may manifest in their body.

The matter mentioned above pertains to a different subject. Moreover, this briefly noted issue is a highly complex domain, not fully captured by the words above.

Just as today’s police constables and head constables operate, Nayars lived in every small region of Malabar back then. Within Nayar families, there may have been distinctions of higher and lower status in some form. Only if these hierarchies were clearly defined could social communication in local feudal languages proceed without discord.

Why did various lower castes remain subordinates to Nayars? Could they not have united to drive Nayars out? Such a question might arise in those thinking in English. In feudal languages, however, the reality is different.

For individuals in lower communities, one intolerable thing is seeing another person, similar to or below them, display an elevated mental state without showing the subservience and deference they exhibit.

For example, if everyone stands subserviently before a police inspector, bowing, and another person like them converses with the inspector without significant deference, it may evoke intense resentment and hostility. “Isn’t Oan behaving arrogantly? If this continues, what discipline will remain in the land?” Such questions may arise in their minds.

Before English rule, Nayar families in a region likely ensured complete protection for lower-caste individuals from competition by others of their own caste or those below them. Seeing a rival tied up and beaten by Nayars could bring great mental satisfaction to the person on this side.

Such thought patterns are generally absent in English.

It may also be true that lower castes perceived a personal superiority in Nayars, who were socially revered.

This can be viewed as follows:

Consider an ordinary young man in today’s Malabar, named Nanu. He has completed formal education but lacks significant English proficiency. He has gained knowledge through newspapers, TV, films, social discussions, and textbooks. In society, he is an average youth, receiving neither notable deference nor great respect. He is defined by words like Edo Nanu, Inhi, or Oan. Children pay him little heed. He speaks cautiously with those younger than him, avoiding those likely to retort with Inhi (you) if he uses it.

One day, through a PSC exam or payment, he becomes a schoolteacher. Everything changes. The word Saar attaches to his name. He is now Nanu Saar (or Nanu Mash, with slight variations in word codes, which won’t be delved into here).

When he enters the classroom, all students stand in unison. He can address them as Inhi or Nee (you), use Eda or Edi, startle them, or speak harshly. If desired, he can pinch their ears. In earlier times, he could slap their faces, assign written punishments, or discipline them otherwise. He can make a student stand outside the class. Decades ago, he could make students pull each other’s ears and act a demeaning buffoonery. He can command, “Bring your father, bring your mother.”

Nanu Saar has a role in disciplining students, controlling their quarrels and fights, and ensuring proper use of honorific-degrading word codes among them. For instance, if someone misuses relational codes like Chettan-Eda or Chechi-Edi, the aggrieved student can complain to Saar.

When Nanu Mash/Nanu Saar walks in public, people show respect. This is no longer the old, plain Nanu.

The same applies in rural markets.

The powers of old Nayars were akin to those of today’s police constables, as described above.

When an honorific like Saar attaches to a name, it alters a person’s speech, gait, and behaviour. A degree of dignified grandeur enters their actions. Others perceive polish in their words, as if they reflect scholarship.

The point here is that it can be inferred Nayars in villages long ago likely exhibited such a physical demeanour.

However, in the presence of Namboodiris, to whom they owed deference, this would fade.

This can be depicted as follows:

A DySP stands on a public road with several police officers. The public perceives a divine radiance in the DySP, as the feared officers stand subserviently before him. The DySP strides back and forth, the local authority figure.

Then, a DIG’s vehicle arrives. The DySP must show deference. The DIG, fond of parading in public, steps out and issues grand commands to the DySP—“Do this, do that”—and even directly instructs constables.

To the onlookers, the DySP’s divine radiance dims, seemingly transferring to the DIG.

Such a sequence seems unlikely in English societies.

The peculiar depictions above illustrate the grandeur of individuals in relation to Malabar’s old social hierarchies.

The arrival of English rule likely caused significant cracks in this structure.

They sought to unleash a language system that flattened society. Whether they fully understood what they were doing is unclear. In feudal language societies, individuals are not uniform objects like marbles. They are inscribed with hierarchies, with various limits defined accordingly. English ignores this, attempting to redefine society.

Many would feel pain. Others would feel unshackled.


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21. Stabbing and injuring each other, crowds seeking mental satisfaction

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Around 1000 AD, in Kodungallur at the southern tip of South Malabar, Jews arrived to settle and secured a contract from the local Kuttiraja, granting them significant social authority (Jewish copper plate).


Later, Syriac Christians arrived and similarly obtained a documented agreement for social authority.

Subsequently, numerous transactions among local people resulted in additional records. Many of these have been translated into English and included in the Malabar Manual.

Such agreements and transactions were likely conducted and documented by upper-caste individuals, as lower-caste people were enslaved in various ways and lacked access to such privileges or property.

Examining the agreements and property transfer records in the Malabar Manual, the names of upper-caste individuals appear as follows:

Achatt, Appunni, Candan, Chadayan, Chakkan, Chandu, Chattan, Chatta Raman, Chattu, Chekkunni, Chennan, Cherunni, Chingan, Chiraman, Chokkanathan, Chumaran, Cotei, Ellappa, Iluvan, Iravi Corttan, Itti, Ittikombi, Kammal, Kammaran, Kanakkam, Kannan, Kandan, Kandu, Karunnukki, Kelan, Kelappa, Kelu, Kittanan, Kokka, Kondu, Kora, Koran, Korappen, Korissan, Kunchiamma, Kunhan, Kunka, Manichan, Makkachar, Murkhan, etc.

The complete list of names can be found in the commentary I provided in the Malabar Manual.

One notable name is Murkhan Chattan. Whether it is Murkhan Chathan or Murkhan Chettan is unclear. He was a military leader. Today, the name Murkhan seems to be perceived in Malayalam as that of a malevolent person.

It is uncertain when upper-caste names transformed into the Hindu-flavoured names seen today.

In matters of law and order related to Pazhassi Raja, there is mention of a Yemen Nayar. This is a relatively recent event, around 1800. Yemen refers to the god of death, but whether this name indicates something else is unknown. This individual is also referred to as Pallur Eman Nayar.

To make money through filmmaking, a Malayalam movie portrays the English rulers as cruel oppressors. It is a fictional story about freedom fighters from Malabar or Travancore being exiled to the Andaman and Nicobar Islands. (I cannot recall whether the film depicts British-ruled Malabar or the Travancore kingdom.)

The protagonist is Dr. Govardhan Menon. One can observe how much the names of Menons changed during a century of English rule in Malabar. But, being a Malayalam film, they might have written whatever came to mind.

Other thoughts come to mind. The protagonist is a doctor. The English administration established medical colleges in this land, enabling locals to study the highly valued allopathic medical system from their country.

In a land where Nayars, Ambalavasis, and Nampoothiris were vehemently opposed to sharing knowledge with those beneath them, questions arise about what one might gain by educating and uplifting an individual. Such matters can be explored later.

In later writings, claims appear that Nayars are not Shudras but Kshatriyas. Evidence cited includes their status as warriors and their training in Kalarippayattu. The presence of Nayars in the English East India Company’s army and the existence of a Nayar Brigade in the Travancore kingdom are presented as strong proof.

However, royal families were of a higher status than Nayars. It seems unlikely they served as Kolkar (soldiers) for the East India Company. Nayars, however, predominantly took up such roles. The Malabar Manual also notes the presence of Marumakkathayam Thiyyas in these roles.

In the Calicut kingdom, high social status appears to have been held by Mappilas with Arab connections.

Nayars held significant authority in their regions. In Travancore, it is recorded in Native Life in Travancore that Nayars would slash Pulayas with swords if they did not move aside promptly. Matters in Malabar were likely similar.

Nayars are thus documented as bold and valiant warriors.

However, in the Travancore State Manual, V. Nagam Aiya does not speak so highly of the Nayar tradition. Instead, it suggests that many Nayar soldiers were mere cowards, lacking discipline.

(… and Nayars who were more a rabble of the cowardly proletariat than well-disciplined fighting men. Travancore State Manual)

(But Rodriguez, not minding, raised one wall and, apprehending a fight the next day, mounted two of his big guns. The sight of these guns frightened the Nayars, and they retreated; Travancore State Manual)

(But as soon as they heard of the fall of the Aramboly lines, the Nayars, losing all hopes of success, dispersed in various directions. Travancore State Manual)

The above pertains to Travancore. It seems matters in Malabar were not significantly different. When Sultan Tipu invaded Malabar, most Nayars fled to Travancore or the forests to save their lives.

Until the English administration established itself in Malabar, Nayars carried weapons such as the ayudha katti (war-knife) or kodunga katti (curved knife).

(The curved sword or dagger, that is, probably, the right to make war armed with the distinctive Nayar weapon, the ayudha katti (war-knife), or as it is sometimes called, the kodunga katti (curved knife. Malabar Manual).

This depicts a primitive social environment.

However, once the English administration took firm root, a significant change in the Nayars’ character must have occurred. The Travancore State Manual notes the profound transformation in Travancore:

Quote: Moreover, the habits and character of these people have undergone a complete change within the last twenty years. That warlike, refractory, and turbulent temper for which the Nairs of Travancore were once so remarkable has totally disappeared, and they must now be regarded as a population of pacific habits placing the most implicit confidence in our protection and well convinced that their safety entirely depends on the stability, support, and friendship of the British Government. End of Quote

This indicates a profound change in the Nayars, who were once warlike, quick-tempered, and aggressive. These primitive behaviours and attitudes have largely vanished.

Highlighting the Nayars in this manner aims to depict the social environment prevalent in Malabar, the Madras Presidency, Travancore, and South Asia during the arrival of English rule. It does not appear that the upper castes possessed any notable grandeur.

They adhered to complex customs, rituals, practices, and shamanistic worship systems that they themselves could not fully comprehend or interpret. Yet, society remained stagnant, adhering to grandiose verbal codes while exhibiting brutal tendencies over time.

The greatest strength and nobility of the upper classes lay in their ability to verbally wound those beneath them with coded language. Those who did not conform were instantly cut down with swords or knives. Even if the victims cried out for help, no one was there to hear them.

Thus, countless crowds, stabbing and injuring each other while seeking mental satisfaction, were what the English administration had to culturally uplift in Malabar. The lower classes began to realise that people would come to listen and investigate their cries from the bottom of society. This, too, posed challenges. Social engineering in feudal linguistic regions is a highly complex matter.

Govindan, the father of CPS, has no awareness of such matters. He admires a foreigner who, having escaped the shackles of oppression, seeks to re-clothe the liberated people in khadi.

There is a Greek deity named Nemesis. This deity sometimes takes note of ingratitude.



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22. How a language that fosters weakness brings great social progress to a land

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In the previous writing, I noted that Nayars would slash Pulayas with swords if they did not hastily move aside. This might evoke negative thoughts about Nayars and sympathy for Pulayas.

Society was permeated with a venomous atmosphere, akin to the piercing gazes of poisonous creatures. It is unclear whom to blame individually for this. The influence of these malevolent forces was evident in everyone—Brahmins, Nayars, Pulayas, and Cherumans alike.

Feudal language codes endow oppressed crowds with monstrous abilities. They regard those they respect with great reverence, speaking in a subservient tone. This subservience is reflected in their eyes, projecting onto the other person as a gaze. What is expressed is not respect but servility. This is the key point to understand.

However, if the attitude is to avoid servility, the lower classes adopt the demeanour of a venomous creature. They display a biting tone, startling expressions, commanding gestures, and more. This is a common feature in all societies shaped by feudal languages.

A subordinate employee, showing deference and servility to a doctor, lawyer, police chief, or employer, eagerly adopts the same coded language—using terms like "nee" (lowest you), "avan" (lowest he), "aval" (lowest she), "eda," or "edi"—when dealing with those of lower social standing. Their cherished mother-tongue words act as reins when interacting with superiors, but no such restraint exists with those below them.

In other words, there is no restraint in dealings with those not afforded respect. They fully exploit this state, which becomes their moment and space of freedom. It is through this freedom that they must forge their social dignity.

As memories of English rule fade from Malabar, such behavioural patterns are resurging. The new generation is mentally regressing to the seventeenth century of this subcontinent. The possession of advanced technological devices obscures this reality.

During English rule in Madras, the influence of the English language subtly reached Travancore. Though people lacking mutual respect treated each other harshly, there was an awareness that exemplary, noble, refined, and virtuous behaviour involved speaking softly, avoiding verbal attacks, using non-startling words, maintaining a calm tone, and employing polite language. This stemmed from the shining example of English customs in Madras, where courteous behaviour was valued as a mark of great character.

This influence even appeared in Malayalam cinema. The charm of English rule in Madras seems to have lingered in the 1960s and 1970s Malayalam films, reflected in the characters’ demeanour. Prem Nazir is a prime example. Whether today’s generation can grasp what audiences saw in Prem Nazir is uncertain. Similarly, while Sathyan is hailed as a highly masculine hero, it is unclear if he displayed the harshness often associated with modern masculinity. Even when K.P. Ummer played a villain, there was no overt harshness in his persona.

Today, Prem Nazir is “Nazir Saar.” The new generation struggles to embrace past figures of great character, transforming them through their distorted linguistic lens. Referring to Prem Nazir simply as “Prem Nazir” feels like an insult, as those at society’s helm are not English but staunch feudal language speakers who thrive on servility.

Those at society’s pinnacle today embody the harsh behaviours of old. On one side are politicians who rose through shouting and sloganeering; on the other, bureaucrats trained in feudal languages. Both groups are familiar with raucous laughter and have studied outdated textbooks.

English rule introduced a language that naturally fosters courtesy, gentleness, magnanimity, vocal grace, and a desire not to distress others. An entirely different populace led the Madras Presidency.

Malabar and other parts of this subcontinent were veritable battlegrounds, steeped in a warlike atmosphere. In a society where speaking softly, standing unarmed, displaying courtesy, offering praise, or smiling gently towards those not respected was akin to entering a jungle of carnivorous beasts without weapons, the English language—fragrant like a champak flower—was spread. At first glance, English language proficiency seems to weaken an individual, as it lacks the fangs to bite, horns to gore, or a sword’s edge to slash, yet it advances through this wild terrain.

How, then, can a language that seemingly fosters weakness claim to bring great social progress to a land?

This warrants investigation. Would a society be healthier if it nurtured street-smart individuals—boisterous, physically adept, skilled in martial arts, and mentally prepared for any challenge? Why, then, do such capable individuals, spinning tales, seek to flee to English-speaking nations?

For instance, don’t we see people from South American nations desperately trying to enter the USA? They are not starving paupers but individuals with vitality and decent wealth. Similarly, people from South Asia, the Middle East, the Far East, Europe, and Africa yearn to reach English-speaking countries.

Historical images of Cochin, Calicut, Travancore, and Cannanore reveal robust individuals wielding swords and shields in public spaces. Yet, they failed to build an enlightened, peaceful society.

The issue lies in language. The fear that those who avoid deliberate servility might retaliate creates societal dread. People are not united but divided, either clinging to select individuals with excessive affection, brandishing swords and urumis, or living in a wild society clad in shields and armour daily. When they learn of a cultured, pure, enlightened, courteous, and dignified society where communication with all is possible without such measures, those with wealth, political power, or official authority send their progeny there. Whether communist or congress, this is the reality.

To those without such means, they preach revolution, patriotism, and the glory of tradition. Those who believe beat drums, chant profound songs, and express joy through raucous shouts, all while stabbing each other in a trapped society.

Those outside this cycle may develop a mindset to cut down such individuals.




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23. A plan to return those who escaped loin cloth back to loin cloth

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CPS does not recall any freedom struggle that truly upended society. People are focused on becoming leaders through cunning strategies, rallying children and youths. The ruling system has corralled these groups into formal education. All leaders need to do is stir these gathered youths with grand speeches. It is doubtful whether such a convenient arrangement for organising massive movements existed in this subcontinent before.

Vaikom Muhammad Basheer’s biography recounts such an incident in Mattancherry, Cochin. He organised school students into a “monkey army,” training them with ideas inspired by Bhagat Singh, including handling daggers, spears, and swords. There was little cause for fear, as the confrontation was with the English administration far off in the Madras Presidency. Marching through Mattancherry’s streets with slogans posed no significant issue. It seems unlikely that the Cochin Raja would have strongly objected. Even if they clashed with the English, the worst outcome would be arrest and a court appearance.

Unlike the cruelties inflicted by petty kings in this subcontinent for ages, such consequences were mild. These cruelties warrant separate discussion, which can come later.

The monkey army marches through Mattancherry’s streets. The children revel in great heroism. Loud slogans echo. Basheer leads at the front. Bystanders watch with great curiosity. The children are indeed bold, with no personal enmity towards the English, as they have their own king. They are unaware that northern leaders plan to subjugate them under Hindi dominance. The flag they carry through Cochin is that of Hindi speakers. They aim to replace English with Hindi.

As the monkey army advances boldly, a historic event unfolds. Basheer, the captain, leads the procession.

A bull, spotting this unusual march, loses its composure and charges towards the front. To save the children and the procession, Basheer leaps forward, confronting the bull. He is badly injured, but the monkey army scatters in all directions. With that, the grand movement becomes history.

CPS does not recall police lathi charges or similar incidents. There was no significant societal uproar. No communal talk was heard in Tellicherry.

However, if someone fell into police hands otherwise, constables might beat those of low social standing. I recall an English Imperial Police officer documenting this. Despite warnings against beating arrestees, constables would strike them in the face the moment English officers’ backs were turned. It seems the English officers could not fathom why constables behaved this way. I believe this was mentioned earlier in this writing. Those addressed as “nee” (lowest you) can be beaten, while those addressed as “ningal” (Malabari you) are respected. This is a mental depravity absent in English.

CPS’s own brother, alongside their father, Govindan, is engulfed in the fire of protest. Govindan, a major trader, neglects his business, spending most of his time with upper-caste associates. His son openly rejects the education system established by the English, declaring, “I don’t want this foreign education.”

One day, the brother hands CPS several notices—Congress pamphlets. CPS is instructed to place them under desks in classrooms at school, which is steeped in an English atmosphere.

CPS is distressed. What to do? The elder brother has given a command. The next day, with great trepidation, CPS carries out the task as class ends. The following day, the pamphlets are discovered, causing an uproar in the school. The Congress has orchestrated a revolution to disrupt society.

On one hand, such revolutions unfold. On the other, without noise, fanfare, or grand proclamations, the English administration strives to instil courage, self-respect, knowledge, and English language proficiency in the most downtrodden crowds.

By building roads, railways, and waterways, the British-India administration enables crowds, barred from public spaces for centuries, to access these facilities. Consider that in nearby Travancore, despite numerous public agitations by lower classes, such access remained unattainable.

Academic history geniuses who criticise English rule often highlight how cheap textiles from Manchester mills were sold in British-India, allegedly plundering the land.

However, these rogues overlook one fact. These affordable, high-quality clothes sparked a fashion revolution in clothing among lower classes in Malabar, especially in places like Tellicherry.

In Travancore, and even in Porbandar, the hypocritical leader who entered British-India promoted loin cloth as the attire for most lower castes.





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24. If the nation of British-Malabar had been formed!

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The image provided is of CPS’s elder brother, taken about 24 years ago (1995). He was neither a prominent figure in society nor a wealthy magnate. He had an extremely fair complexion, a tall stature, and a personality that never bowed. Due to his opposition to English education, he lacked advanced academic qualifications and had limited English proficiency.

I mention this individual to illustrate an observation.

During the peak of English rule, many Marumakkathayam Thiyyas in Tellicherry, born in that era, exhibited a distinct mental and physical disposition, as described above. I have seen this in multiple men and women within CPS’s family connections. However, those born in the same families during the waning years of English rule generally lacked this mental and physical character.

One should not assume Tellicherry was teeming with Englishmen during CPS’s youth. Even CPS rarely encountered them. One instance was near his English school: during a game, the children’s ball landed in a nearby doctor’s compound, causing a complaint. The sub-collector, whose residence was opposite the school, offered his eagle-shaped courtyard for the children to play in. While playing there, CPS saw the sub-collector’s young children outside—very fair and charming.

Another experience was at Govindan’s textile showroom, when one or two English women came to buy khadi fabric.

How can one claim that English fosters personality development in a place where Englishmen were so scarce? The answer lies in both the physical world and the transcendental software operating behind reality.

Physically, consider this: a bus designed for people four feet tall. A five-foot person entering it must stoop or bend their knees to stand.

Today, in the three nations of this subcontinent, this is the mental state of ordinary people. They must live with heads, necks, and knees bent or folded in various ways. However, those mentally or socially three or four feet tall experience great mental freedom and societal heights. That is another matter, which I won’t delve into now.

One could say most government offices in India today are built for four-foot-tall people. The low mental standards of employees and the generally poor communication environment within the bureaucracy amplify this degradation. A person of high character entering such spaces must bend their head, neck, and knees to navigate. I will explore this topic later. Government officials come from the same populace.

Now, let’s briefly touch on the transcendental software operating behind reality, focusing only on its external aspect.

In the virtual design and code views of a society where word codes force people to bend their bodies, heads, and knees, this stooping is encoded.

For example, an ordinary person entering a Kerala or Indian police station unknowingly feels the presence of an oppressive atmosphere. This is especially true for those with high character but without the means to reinforce it.

Conversely, someone living mentally and socially at a low level does not feel this oppression, as they exist in this state daily.

However, if an IPS officer or their kin enters the same police station, this mental experience is absent. The word codes hold the ceiling high above them, and the brain software of the station’s staff detects this elevation.

Every country evokes such experiences for those entering, especially if they are immersed in its linguistic environment. For instance, a feudal language speaker entering a regional English nation and beginning to understand English quickly feels the oppressive ceiling lift to great heights, experienced in both mind and body. This is a profound sensation. A stooped, contorted body and mind feel the ability to stand upright.

Foreigners working in West Asian countries like Dubai or Saudi Arabia may feel the influence of the local linguistic environment. In Dubai, the social influence of English is undeniable.

One of the most elevating linguistic environments for mental and physical character is a pristine English atmosphere, untainted by dilution.

Thus, imagine if, during India’s formation, the people of British-Malabar had demanded the continuation of English rule, and English officials, defying their new prime minister’s orders, had sustained English governance, establishing a nation called British-Malabar. What would have happened?

British-Malabar would have been the wealthiest nation in this subcontinent, with a populace exhibiting unparalleled personal elevation. Hong Kong, Singapore, and the USA would have lagged behind.

A wall stronger than the one the USA builds along its southern border would have been needed around British-Malabar. People from India, Pakistan, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka would have abandoned everything to rush in.

But what can be done? Malabar became part of a nation where most citizens live like human worms, while a few dwell in golden towers.



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25. Capturing the indescribable refinement of the English social atmosphere

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District Magistrate's behaviour: Barbaric, Uncivilized, Unconstitutional Behavior

The video mentioned above pertains to an incident from a few months ago. It is said that an IAS officer beat someone for writing a lewd comment on his wife’s Facebook page or elsewhere. The word “lewd” can mean “obscene.”

If such an act was committed, it was wrong. However, such provocation often arises because, in feudal languages, respectful terms like “adheham” (highest he) or “avar” (highest he/she) shift to “avan” (lowest he) or “aval” (lowest she). In English-speaking nations, outsiders freely write all sorts of offensive things about everyone. Yet, if someone reacts this way there, it is seen as a severe mental disorder.

In the previous writing, I pondered what Malabar’s state would have been had the nation of British-Malabar been born in 1947.

What is noteworthy here is that the so-called racial discrimination of the English was a remarkably gentle trait. Their discrimination was merely keeping a distance from others. Yet, no matter how grandly they maintained this distance, others would not stay away.

At the same time, Englishmen who closely engage with feudal language speakers, showing no discrimination, cannot truly be called Englishmen. The emotional impulses of feudal languages begin to sprout in them.

Conversely, Indian government offices, which display no racial discrimination, are often mentally repulsive spaces. Those on the other side are treated as celestial beings—“sir,” “saab,” “aap,” “thangal,” “ungal”—while ordinary people, stabbing each other, remain stratified as subservient masses. No government official exists whom ordinary people can address as “ningal” (Malabari you). If a bold commoner dares to use “ningal,” the lofty officials’ mindset and physical prowess become evident. I have personally experienced this mindset many times.

The point is that Indian government offices are not divine sanctuaries. Rather, they resemble spaces of the lowest castes. This is the most horrific state: a nation run by those perceived as base. Yet, this is a perverse discovery. These people are not outcasts but divine. What English rule sought to establish in Malabar is not what exists today. Everything is utterly perverse.

It is true that this perverse state can be corrected to design an elevated society. This requires meticulous social engineering.

To implement such social engineering, an indispensable component is a regional English populace’s governance system. No alternative system seems to exist globally.

Yet, even regional Englishmen are unaware of the subtle dynamics of their presence. Often, their governance systems veer towards letting everyone loose. Those set free are not the English but people who, in various ways, view each other with fear and agitation in English social atmospheres.

When discussing English governance systems, a common point of contention is the fear that if they dominate, those below become their slaves. This fear stems from feudal language mindsets when thinking forward.

A peculiar point must be made. The English were most admired when they stood apart from others. Whenever they had the social means to remain distant, elevated, and aloof, they endeavoured to uplift others. When they did not, their similar behaviour seems foolish.

In places where they showed equality, others competed with them, finding great social prestige in defeating them. In such societies, the value of their presence diminishes for others.

In feudal language societies, there is a fear that rising individuals and communities will challenge, overpower, and trample those who uplifted them. Thus, feudal language speakers are reluctant to nurture others.

Englishmen, however, take this risk. Yet, among the crowds they uplift, those untouched by this mental growth are provoked and encouraged to compete with and overthrow their benefactors. This creates a vicious cycle.

Consequently, the English side increasingly seeks to stand apart. This benefits those inciting such base encouragement. Crowds drift from their benefactors, aligning under their traditional overlords. Both the uplifters and the uplifted are left in a dire state. Neither understands where the error lies. The English apartheid attitude causes great anxiety among the uplifted.

“What is lacking in us? Who do you think you are?” they demand. “We have greater skills, physical prowess, and abilities than you,” they claim, and most of these claims are true. So, what is the issue? Why do such capable people demand the English presence as a right?

At first glance, it seems entirely illogical.

To examine this state, one must first measure how much mental freedom feudal language communities truly have in their own societies. Shouting vulgar words or marching in processions with loud slogans requires no significant social elevation.

However, if ordinary people cannot sit before a low-ranking government official (e.g., a sub-inspector or village officer), use “you,” “your,” “he,” “she,” “his,” “her” as the official does, and address them by name as they are addressed, their concern over English aloofness only arises if the English have significantly elevated them mentally.

The above points contain the rays of profound social engineering principles. With deep insight and careful manoeuvring, a society can be shaped to experience the indescribable refinement of the English social atmosphere.

I plan to revisit this topic later.


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26. Foreigners conspire to subjugate Malabar

Post posted by VED »

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The provided image depicts a public speech in the northern regions of the subcontinent, part of an effort to bind the oppressed masses more tightly in local social chains. Two writings prior, I shared an image of CPS’s brother. In the subcontinent’s southern region, individuals from the lower classes, like him, were directly influenced by the mental elevation of English rule. The image above shows local overlords swaying the oppressed with grand illusions of freedom.

However, generally speaking, the influence of a socially uplifting atmosphere, once present in Malabar, is scarcely visible among most people today. I will attempt to address why this is so later.

As CPS mentioned, Tellicherry saw no social or administrative riots, street battles, lathi charges, or similar disturbances. Yet, in reality, Malabar was subject to upheavals, conspiracies, manipulations, and covert schemes aimed at influencing the region and paving the way for significant changes.

Just as grand political games were played in the subcontinent’s northern regions to seize control of areas like Malabar, similar activities occurred at the local level.

Three key factors that influenced or impacted Malabar can be highlighted here. Other developments existed, but they are not addressed in this writing.

The most prominent and widely noted of these, later muddled by academic geniuses with foolish explanations, was the social riot and rebellion in South Malabar, locally known as the Mappila Rebellion.

In official history, this is depicted as a 1921 revolt by Mappilas against British rule in South Malabar. In truth, it was not a revolution against the English. Moreover, the Malabar Manual records similar riots occurring intermittently in South Malabar since 1836. Notably, around the same time (circa 1835), backward castes in Travancore began engaging in street battles. This was because the presence of English Christian missionaries in Travancore stirred great mental awakenings among the lower classes. However, Travancore’s administration, run by local upper castes, allowed their supporters to take the law into their hands, brutally suppressing these revolts in the streets.

In Malabar, the English ran the administration and did not permit anyone to take the law into their hands. Consequently, their efforts to enforce the law seem to have earned them a bad reputation.

The issue with Mappilas in Malabar appears to have begun with the invasions of Hyder Ali and Sultan Tipu. These developments are highly complex, encompassing numerous factors, and require separate exploration later. For now, I will set this aside.

Two distinct groups in Travancore eyed Malabar with covetous intent. Both were local lower-caste movements. One was the organised movement of Ezhavas, and the other was a new Christian movement created by London Missionary Society missionaries converting lower castes to Christianity.

Both groups yearned to claim Malabar as their migration destination, each in their own way. They shared some common needs but also had distinct objectives. Some of these needs were genuinely essential. Their methods, too, differed.

Today, many in Malabar likely have familial ties to one or both of these groups, making them no longer foreigners. However, to the Malabaris of that era, these groups were foreign invasive forces conspiring to seize their lands or subjugate their communities.

The arrival of these two groups significantly influenced Govindan’s family and community, as CPS’s father. It is impossible to judge these events as good or bad. The state now known as Kerala was born from the consequences of such developments.

These events must be recounted.



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27. True slavery and false slavery

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I intend to discuss the people from the newly formed Christian sect who migrated from the kingdom of Travancore to Malabar, as well as the extensive plans of the Ezhava community organisations, which, while based in Travancore, sought to build social influence in Malabar.

To provide context for these matters, I must first explain the conditions these people faced in Travancore. Broadly speaking, they were subjected to a tiered system of social and occupational slavery. This statement is quite general. If an Englishman were to read it, he would likely picture the African slaves in the U.S.A., dressed in trousers, coats, and shoes, addressing their slave-owners with “Mr.” before their names and the word “You,” possessing a considerable degree of human individuality.

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A well-known novel related to the slavery of Black people in the U.S.A. is Uncle Tom’s Cabin. Uncle Tom is the slave. The image provided in the post is from the cover of an illustrated edition of that novel. Such a person cannot be compared with the socially enslaved people of this subcontinent.

This point requires further clarification. In this subcontinent, many Islamic rulers and wealthy individuals in the past used to purchase slaves from West Asian Arab slave markets. Many of these slaves lived in the households of their buyers like other residents. They were significantly different from the general enslaved population of this peninsula. The former were human; the latter were livestock.

This is similar to the term “feudalism.” What this word means in England is not what it means in continental Europe, Asia, or Africa. Likewise, what “feudalism” implies in continental Europe is not what it signifies in Asia or Africa. There is much to say about this, but I won’t delve into it now.

The same applies to the term “slavery.” The human form that the English understand by the word “slavery” is not the lower-caste groups in South Asia, traditionally bound to the land.

In English, a slave is understood as a person with all the individuality of an Englishman, but legally enslaved. This fact burns within him and others. This slave eats sitting on a chair, speaks English,June 15, 2025, 1:19 AM IST, and uses the same words—“You,” “He,” “She”—to address or refer to his owner, the owner’s wife, and their children, just as the owner and his associates use these words for him. In clothing, both groups wear the same type of garments—trousers, shirts, shoes, coats, hats, and so forth—with no restriction on the slave’s use of these. Yet, how tragic that such an individual, with so much individuality, is obligated to work for another person.

In English, there are no terms to hierarchically differentiate slaves by varying levels of status.

The story of how the English themselves suppressed this slavery must be told in detail, but that can come later.

However, social slavery in South Asia is entirely different. These are people bearing the mountain-like burden of a multi-tiered society, addressed with words like “lowest you,” “lowest he,” “lowest she,” and other degrading terms, beaten down, their every trace of individuality destroyed, living with a mental state worse than that of animals. These are the traditional social slaves of this peninsula. A social ceiling presses down just above the heads of these livestock-like people, preventing them from raising their heads upward. For this reason, they are not like Malayalam school students, as many students have the opportunity to rise to the upper social strata.

These enslaved people cannot be brought too close either. If one interacts with them too closely, they will drag one down to their mental level. If kept in shock, they will show respect, offer deference, obey commands, and not leer at the women of the owner’s household in an indecent manner. However, if the mental elevation given to African slaves in the U.S.A. in the English language were extended to the Cherumar, Pulayar, Parayar, Vedar, Shanar, Ezhava, and others here, they would turn on those who granted them such privileges, openly leer at the women of their households, and even demean their masters’ wives by defining them as “lowest she.” The English would never understand this.

When the English East India Company established their factory in Tellicherry, and information about the region gradually reached their Court of Directors in London, the members of the Court were truly shocked. The reason was the revelation that in Malabar, at the lowest social level, there were countless thousands of enslaved people called Cherumar, living bound to the land. It’s unclear how the Directors imagined this. Most likely, they pictured something akin to the African slaves in the U.S.A. But the reality was vastly different.

The Court of Directors instructed their officers in Tellicherry to liberate these enslaved people. However, simply loosening chains, as seen from England, would not grant anyone freedom here. This is as foolish as the Indian Constitution’s claim that all citizens are equal before the law. If an ordinary Indian citizen were to assert this right in a police station, they’d likely be slapped.

In every landowner’s household in Malabar, there were hundreds of such people bound to the land. The upper social classes viewed them almost exactly like livestock. They were not even provided proper living accommodations, often residing in small thatched shelters with four bamboo poles in the agricultural fields. Nairs supervised them, treating these bound people like wild animals restrained with a leash, though no physical chain was necessary. They could not socially escape, as multiple communities above them viewed them with great fear. The language, like a tiger’s claw, pierced and pinned them, holding them immobile.

There is no record of anyone in this subcontinent showing these people any compassion. No great person born and died here over centuries is known to have initiated any effort to abolish slavery. No one even wished to bring them close, for that was the extent of it. If these people were set free and allowed to grow, they would turn on those who freed them, seizing their homes, children, and lowest-level girls. Sometimes, the liberators themselves might end up working for these people. The horror of this was utterly incomprehensible to the English.

Everyone knows that social equality and the abolition of slavery are like a dark night or a nightmare, except the English.

In Malabar, as early as 1702, the English East India Company began efforts to free those bound to the land. There is much to say about this, but I won’t delve into it now. What’s noteworthy is that a social reality seen by billions over centuries was only recognised as an injustice when the English arrived.

Consider this quote from the Malabar Manual:

The questions of slavery and the slave trade attracted the early attention of the Honourable Company’s Government. So early as 1702, the year in which British rule commenced, a proclamation was issued by the Commissioners against dealing in slaves. A person offering a slave for sale was to be considered as a thief. The slave was to be forfeited and the person offering him for sale was to be fined five times his value. The purchaser was to be similarly treated. The houses of suspected slave traders were to be well watched and entered and searched on the smallest suspicion, ...

QUOTE: on the 23rd December of that year the Principal Collector received orders desiring “that the practice of selling slaves for arrears of revenue may be immediately discontinued.” END OF QUOTE.

The sale of slaves from the livestock-like people bound to the land, owned by landowners who failed to pay agricultural taxes to the government, was prohibited.

The matter in this and other ways reached the ears of the Court of Directors, and in their despatch of 12th December 1821 they expressed considerable dissatisfaction at the lack of precise information which had been vouchsafed to them regarding the cultivators in general, and in particular said: We are told, indeed, that part of them (an article of very unwelcome intelligence) are held as slaves; that they are attached to the soil and marketable property.

You are directed to obtain and to communicate to us all the useful information with respect to this latter class of persons which you possibly can; the treatment to which they are liable, the habits of their masters with respect to them, the kind of life to which they are doomed, the sort of title by which the property of them is claimed, the price which they bear and more especially the surest and safest means of ultimately effecting their emancipation.

In 1821, the Court of Directors began learning about these slave practices and issued orders to rescue these slaves.

We also desire to know whether those occupants, 150,000 in number, cultivate immediately the whole of the lands by their slaves and hired servants, or whether there is a class of inferior tenants to whom they let or sub-let a portion of their lands. If there is such an inferior class of lessees, you will inform us under what conditions they cultivate, what are their circumstances, and what measures, if any, have been employed for their protection.

The order, straight from England, was to provide protection to these enslaved people. This was not to convince anyone, win political votes, achieve great renown, or flatter anyone’s ego.

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28. Social realities unimaginable to the English Christian

Post posted by VED »

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In the previous writing, I mentioned the social reforms the English East India Company attempted to implement in British Malabar. However, this was not something that could be quickly achieved, as seen from England. The reason is that there isn’t simply a higher class and another class they’ve enslaved here. Human groups stand in a tiered hierarchy in society. If any one group is elevated, many of those above them would fall beneath them. A person addressed as “You” would be crushed down to “lowest you.” This is something that cannot be understood in England. Attempting this, failing, growing weary, becoming an object of ridicule, and ultimately, Robert Clive committed suicide in England.

Monstrous language codes, incomprehensible in England, perform a dance of destruction across this subcontinent.

In Malabar, the English Company carried out social reform efforts with great care, not in a way that would upheave society. However, just before or during these efforts, another event occurred in Malabar that shattered social hierarchies to dust: the invasions by Hyder Ali, a Moroccan descendant ruling Mysore, and his son Tipu Sultan. These were events that shook society to its core, likely barbaric and terrifying, lacking any particular care, foresight, or civility. The safety of individuals and families vanished during this time. I cannot discuss these events here now.

While such events unfolded in Malabar, things were quite different in the nearby regions of Canara, Pandya, and Travancore. Here, we need only focus on Travancore, as its organised forces planned to seize control of Malabar.

In Travancore, the London Missionary Society began efforts at social reform from the early 1700s. Why people in England were driven to such commitments is itself incomprehensible from this subcontinent.

It can be said that these people planned to uplift the livestock-like people in Travancore. Alternatively, it could be interpreted that they fooled the locals and converted them to their religion.

The truth is that Brahmins did not admit enslaved people into their religion. Even Nairs were denied Vedic studies. It seems that around the 1930s, lower-caste groups began forcibly entering Brahminism (Hinduism).

Islam did admit lower-caste groups into its fold, granting them full permission to enter mosques and other spaces. In this sense, one could say Islam achieved social reform that Brahmins did not. However, this cannot be compared to the work of English Christian evangelists. There’s a slight flaw in this point: not all missionaries of the London Missionary Society were English, though the movement itself carried the prestige of being an English institution.

It’s often claimed that Islam has no priesthood, meaning it need not be an organised religion. Instead, individuals might live as Muslims personally, sending messages or expressing needs directly to God without intermediaries, not even a prophet.

The above is my own conclusion, and I don’t know how profound it is. If true, Islam is a religion for a people of great mental elevation, and the religion itself is equally lofty and valuable.

However, as a social reality, this conclusion doesn’t hold. Generally speaking, Islam in this subcontinent lacks this mental elevation. While it may be true that there’s no priesthood in a literal sense, it seems there’s a presence of other powerful social leadership structures in its place. I’m not saying this is wrong, as letting feudal-language people loose is itself a problem. Yet, for this very reason, Islam has not surpassed the standards of English Christianity.

This isn’t unique to Islam. Irish, Scottish, French, German, Spanish, and Italian Christianity have also failed to achieve this.

To clarify the crux of this statement, I must mention something unknown to the English but as clear as daylight to others, something I’ve mentioned several times before but now viewed differently:

In conducting trade, becoming a merchant, a government official, or a social leader, there’s a motivation, inspiration, and enthusiasm absent in English. If someone becomes a merchant’s employee, the merchant, their family, and friends will address this person as “lowest he,” “lowest she,” or “lowest you.” Often, you hear such a person say, “There’s little gain in working. I need to start a business. That’s what’s beneficial.” Even without trading skills or ambition, this desire lingers as an obsession. This factor is a major driver for Indians starting businesses. Moreover, those hired as workers can be addressed and referred to demeaningly. If insulted this way, they must display subservience, lower themselves, and show respect.

This is how feudal language codes place individuals in various positions. The individual is innocent, but a vile motivation lingers like poison in the mind. Even the drive to become a doctor stems not from human compassion but from the power language codes provide to dominate others.

In English, activities like entrepreneurship, business, social work, counselling, teaching, evangelism, missionary work, conversion to Christianity, helping the poor, charity, and philanthropy are not driven by these vile, monstrous codes behind the individual. The English are unaware that such a thing could even cast a shadow over these activities.

In Travancore, though the English missionary group brought about major social transformation and even formed a new Christian sect, this new religion moved forward under the shadow of the subcontinent’s traditional, satanic language codes, unimaginable even in English. The fact that the London Missionary Society received no information about this highlights the vastly different mental level of those communities.

Priesthood itself, in feudal languages, is not what it is in English. Instead, it too falls under the influence of language codes’ social motivations.

It’s likely true that this issue has gripped Islam in this subcontinent as well. Though this religion claims no priesthood, it has significant social leadership roles, operating according to the mechanical software codes of feudal language directives.

For this reason, in defining the individuality of humans and animals, Islam doesn’t come close to English Christianity. It’s not the religion at fault but the language codes of the people.

If Islam were to fully become an English-language religion in the future, significant changes could occur. However, even that would require highly cautious steps.

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29. Keeping some distance from feudal language speakers is indeed wise

Post posted by VED »

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It seems many believe Christianity is a highly enlightened, noble, pure, and civilised religion. However, in reality, in some countries of continental Europe, this religion appears to have been quite terrifying.

At the same time, English Christianity feels notably gentle and culturally rich. This clearly suggests that it’s not the quality of the religion but the inherent character of the people adopting it that is mistakenly attributed to the religion.

Though Christianity is said to advocate loving and helping one’s neighbour, when Syriac Christians arrived in Travancore, they secured agreements to keep enslaved people as livestock. As for Jews, their religion and people were so intertwined that they couldn’t be separated, and they allowed no one to join them. In Travancore, under an agreement, they too kept subjugated groups as livestock. Whether this was due to some threat or influence is unclear, but the fact remains that this skill has not been lost by these people even today. After all, they’ve somehow chained the English nation of the U.S.A. The covert strategy behind this is unknown.

In Spain, the Christian church’s practice, known as the Spanish Inquisition, involved burning unbelievers at the stake. Another pastime of the old Spanish kingdom was to burn English sailors alive if captured.

Due to geographical proximity to continental Europe, the English were sometimes provoked by their actions. Moreover, continental European traits occasionally danced in England, though rarely. There’s much to say about this, but writing broadly risks missing subtle details.

Islam seems to exist traditionally intertwined with Judaism and Christianity. The personal names used in Islam today, when viewed historically, were present in that region before the birth of the Islamic prophet Muhammad. The place where this religion first spread was one with significant social flaws.

Thus, many accusations levelled against Islam today may stem not from the religion but from the inherent lack of quality in the societies that adopted it.

It may be true that discernment is needed in all actions. Two entities that showed a near-total lack of discernment were the English people and Islam.

When reforming a degraded person, it must be done in the style of the Porbandar leader: “I am great, lowest you are my subordinate. Join me as my follower, respect me, and then, by proclaiming and broadcasting your closeness to me, lowest you can socially rise.”

The benefit of this approach is that no matter how much the lower people rise, they’ll never reach the leader’s level. They’ll fight among themselves, maintaining great respect for those above. Their overall growth is like that of students in feudal-language schools.

This deceit is what most spiritual movements and social development planners implement or plan. Even continental European Christian religions operated similarly.

Instead, no one with even a shred of discernment would allow people languishing at the bottom, as if in a deep well, to be uplifted with invitations like: “Call me by my name, wear the same clothes as us, sit with us, learn our knowledge, grow to become our teachers, and let your children walk alongside ours.”

The reality is that if feudal-language speakers are uplifted this way, their traditional leaders will urge them to turn and bite the people who raised them. Giving feudal-language speakers skills, knowledge, abilities, or value addition is like pouring the solar system into a black hole. Nothing that enters comes back out. In other words, no matter how much quality they receive, they’ll selfishly refuse to share it. Even the English language is handled this way by these people.

A black hole is a region where even light cannot escape due to immense gravitational pull.

The New Testament of the Holy Bible contains this verse:

“Give not that which is holy unto the dogs, neither cast ye your pearls before swine, lest they trample them under their feet, and turn again and rend you.” – Matthew 7:6, King James Version.

This translates to: “Do not throw what is holy to dogs, nor cast your pearls before swine, for they will trample them underfoot, then turn and attack you, tearing you to pieces.”

This is what later happened in many places under English colonialism, including South Africa.

It seems Islam, too, displayed a degree of this lack of discernment. However, individuals from Arabian lands who spread Islam in this subcontinent may have realised something was amiss here. They appear to have refused to let their own people, families, or youth be subjected to the oppression of this land’s language codes. Their stated policy seems to have been that no one from their families should be defined with terms like “lowest you” or “lowest he.”

Allowing the lowest rungs of society to join one’s religion requires immense strength, vigour, capability, and vitality. Islam may have drawn this strength from the support of the Arabic language, though some flaws might be found in Arabic too, though I’m not certain what they are.

A religion alone cannot reform or transform people beyond a certain point if it’s tainted, as the software of language has immense social design capabilities. Islam spoken in Hindi, Urdu, Bengali, Tamil, Malabari, or Malayalam cannot escape the grip of these language codes.

It seems Islam has not compromised by using degrading terms for God or divine personalities. However, Brahminism, some regional-language or continental European/South American Christian religions, and others may have done so, perhaps to show closeness rather than degradation.

One reason for this thought is that English Christian churches are often built on flat land near roads, as the language lacks awareness of hierarchical distinctions. Many Islamic mosques seem to follow a similar pattern.

For people viewing divine personalities through feudal languages, placing the divine or God on a hill slope or elevated place feels like it imparts greater divinity and strength. Hindu temples and feudal-language Christian churches often seem to be built on elevated platforms.

Though I feel like saying more about Islam, this isn’t the occasion.

English Christianity advanced a step beyond Islam by attempting to reform enslaved people without considering local feudal languages. However, this effort must be called a foolish lack of discernment. If Islam had some awarenessThai of feudal languages, English Christianity had none.

Frankly, the English should have formed an Anglo-Saxon religion, admitting no one, and reformed others from a distance. Keeping some distance from feudal-language speakers is wise for both sides. Those striving to reform won’t panic, and those being reformed won’t turn and bite.

Now, let’s move to Travancore. It’s unlikely the livestock-like people, trapped for centuries under a leash, knew that a few from England were crossing the seas to uplift them by hand.

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30. Elevating individuals suppressed in the dustbin of language codes

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What I’m about to write concerns slavery in South Asia. I’m unsure if such slavery is explicitly mentioned in historical texts. However, the sale of Negro slaves to the U.S.A., where they were made to work, is taught worldwide.

The images provided above show the houses where slave families lived in the U.S.A. (Picture source: Pixabay.com)

Seeing these images, people in today’s U.S.A. lament. They view them as symbols of utter cruelty. Yet, if the enslaved people of the South Asian peninsula had been given such dwellings, they would have soared to great social heights.

The English have no understanding of feudal languages or how human society transforms into tiered layers. Moreover, the more one is degraded, the more love, subservience, and respect toward those above enter the human mind. This is the story in today’s feudal-language schools in India. Many so-called English-medium schools actually operate in a feudal-language atmosphere. Many teachers there were themselves educated in Malayalam-language schools.

I had planned to write about South Asian slavery later, but it has come up in the course of this writing. If possible, I hope to delve deeply into the social slavery of Travancore. How profound this writing will become, I cannot say now.

The primary sources I rely on include Native Life in Travancore by The Rev. Samuel Mateer, F.L.S., Travancore State Manual by V. Nagam Aiya, Malabar (Manual) by William Logan, Castes and Tribes of Southern India by Edgar Thurston, C.I.E., and Omens and Superstitions of Southern India. Beyond these, personal experiences also underpin this work. From about 50 years ago, I have observed hints—or sometimes clear evidence—of social slavery in the interiors of Malabar and Travancore. At the same time, enslaved people appeared rough, lacking refinement, and behaved harshly or demeaningly toward those they did not respect.

Moreover, in the interiors of Tamil Nadu and Karnataka, clear signs of this slavish mentality were visible. Long ago in Madras, at a wealthy household, I saw workers eating on the floor and living in filthy, tattered clothes.

Even today, in places like Delhi, domestic workers are sometimes seen as a kind of deformed, dustbin-like creatures. Yet, no one views this as slavery. Instead, people lament those sold to English nations, who absorbed their cultural values and achieved great mental, personal, and physical elevation. I once witnessed such lamentation firsthand.

My family has a Christian connection. It stems from a family of lower-caste people in Travancore who converted to Christianity and migrated to British Malabar. A man from this family grew close to and married a woman from my mother’s family. The traces of his family’s past experiences of social slavery had not entirely faded from his demeanour.

In the 1960s, this family moved to Abu Dhabi, fully absorbed the benefits of the English atmosphere there, and transformed into an English-speaking family.

The English-language proficiency of a daughter in this family was extraordinary. She passed the TOEFL, moved to the U.S.A., married an Irishman, and became the mother of pure-white children.

I don’t recall any of them ever mentioning the social slavery their ancestors endured. Instead, they might view the English with a competitive spirit, perhaps feeling their English-language proficiency rivals or surpasses that of the English.

At their home in a major city outside Kerala, I often noticed the codes of a peculiar social atmosphere, about 30 years ago. They had a colour TV at home (which, arguably, wasn’t common in Kerala then). The household workers, lowest-level girls from that state, along with their sisters, would come every evening to watch TV, sitting on the floor. The household members sat on settees and large chairs.

The worker and her sisters sat in front, clearly with a demeanour of inferiority. The household spoke to the worker and her sister in the local language of that state—after all, one must promote the mother tongue! This allowed the use of “lowest you.” However, within the household, English was generally used. One day, the worker replied in English.

Immediately, the lady of the house (a person from my mother’s family) said, “Nee (Lowest you) should stick to your own language. No need to speak English.”

One day, the TV showed a depiction of the plight of African Americans in South America. A household member spoke about the hard-heartedness of the whites there. “What arrogance they display! Aren’t African Americans human too? Isn’t that their country as well?”

Yet, a strange and contradictory fact stood right before them. The household workers and the household dog sat on the same floor. No one in the household showed any awareness of this or of defining the workers as “lowest you” or “lowest she.”

(In English homes, the household members, the dog, and the worker would all sit on chairs, which might also seem like arrogance!)

The truth is, those sitting on the floor were not truly considered. They were treated as part of the furniture, like the chairs and tables.

However, seating the worker on a chair was also impossible. Her social atmosphere itself seemed pressed down to the floor, as if trapped in a dustbin. If that dustbin-bound society were seated on chairs, the entire house would stink. Their friends would stop visiting. I once tested this and learned it firsthand, but I’ll speak of that another time.

This was the state of affairs in Travancore and across South Asia: vast populations as dustbins. Showing them excessive closeness would make oneself stink, leading to ostracism from society and the community. Moreover, those shown closeness would feel no significant gratitude or remembrance.

A stark example is the family of the man who married into my mother’s family.

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31. Those who flee out of fear of being degraded

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In Travancore, certain communities falling under the Shudra or Nair category were classified as follows:

Kammalans (artisans): Carpenters, stonemasons, potters, goldsmiths, blacksmiths, and builders.

Among them, goldsmiths and potters could approach Shudras without causing impurity.

Below the Kammalans were groups considered inferior: astrologers, archers, washermen, leatherworkers, weavers, fishermen, toddy tappers, and others.

Beneath them were those deemed the lowest castes: Paraiyans, Pulayans, Nayadis, and Ulladans, among others.

Additionally, there were distinct groups like hunters, hill tribes, and mountain fishermen who preferred living in the forests of the Western Ghats.

In my personal opinion, these communities were defined and segregated into different castes over centuries through social filtering and differentiation in two distinct ways:

One is that feudal languages defined various occupations and workers as steps on a social ladder through word codes.

However, another significant factor likely operated in the background: people who migrated to Travancore from various parts of the world, or arrived by other means, were perceived as distinct by the local society.

For example, it is said that the toddy tappers came from Ceylon (Sri Lanka) and were linked to the toddy palms there.

Moreover, the hill-dwelling tribes may have stayed apart not necessarily due to an inferiority complex but possibly due to a sense of superiority. They might have viewed others’ uncultured behaviour with disdain, felt they weren’t treated with deserved respect, or feared that associating with others would lead to being perceived as similar to them.

This apartheid-like mentality, driven by a desire to remain separate, is observed in many civilised countries. For instance, in England, when South Asians settle in an area in large numbers, local English people and others emulating them tend to leave. This phenomenon is commonly called white flight.

When those who flee are followed and approached repeatedly by others, they continue to move further away.


YouTube Video: Black South African mayor challenges whites-only settlement

The video mentioned above depicts a scene from South Africa. White Afrikaner descendants moved from cities to the interior, creating their own residential colony. The policy of the Black-led government is to not allow such segregation. Afrikaners are not English but Dutch. However, in the video, they are seen speaking English formally.

These people do not know the languages of Black communities. If they were to learn them, they would encounter the use of terms like nee (lowest you), eda, edi, avan (lowest he), aval (lowest she), enthada, and enthadi. Once exposed to these word codes, within a few generations, they would likely descend to the level of ordinary African locals. This does not elevate the locals.

For them to rise, English people would need to dominate them. Otherwise, they would fall under the degrading word codes of other Black communities. That’s a separate topic, and I won’t delve into it now.

The hill tribes in Travancore similarly kept their distance. However, they understand Tamil and Malayalam. If they don’t leave, others will overpower them. The power and impact of words are immense.

Regarding the mountain fishermen’s temple, for those living in the highlands, it is not considered lofty. They reside in the mountains, after all. But for the people of Travancore, their temple seems perched on mountain peaks, radiating divinity that soars to the heavens. One could, with a touch of humour, say that others chased the mountain fishermen away and seized their temple.


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Last edited by VED on Sun May 18, 2025 10:37 pm, edited 1 time in total.
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32. The numerical status of the enslaved people

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In Travancore, the enslaved people were generally viewed by the common populace in a manner akin to how cattle are regarded today. The fact is, there was little wonder or astonishment in the notion that a human being is born, lives, works, and dies in such conditions.

Much like cattle sheds or cow barns today, they had filthy shed-like spaces for living. They were not allowed near houses. Shudras or Nairs supervising them would issue commands from a specific distance.

There was also the practice of taking children and others fit for labour and selling them into slavery. In 1860, during a famine in Travancore, Mr. Cox noted in Native Life in Travancore that people sold their children to Muslim slave traders and others for meagre sums. These traders would quickly sell these “commercial goods” to shipowners arriving at the coast.

Another notable observation is that the lower castes sold their children to coastal slave traders and shipowners without any emotional distress. They did so with the same nonchalance as selling goats or chickens raised at home. The parents of these children likely lacked any significant sense of human dignity themselves.

Furthermore, people were abducted and sold into slavery. Pulayan men would touch high-caste women to assimilate them into their group. If a Namboodiri woman was found to have had illicit relations with an inappropriate person, she would be handed over to the enslaved community. However, some of these women were bought by Chetti traders arriving by ship, which was less painful compared to being sent to live among the “cattle-like” community. The latter group was accustomed to their lifestyle, but for a woman thrust into their midst, it was akin to being trapped among wild animals. Former associates would avoid her, fleeing in fear.

It can be assumed that higher castes feared the enslaved people to some extent. Their proximity and contact might have felt like the presence of wild creatures. At the core of this issue may lie the demonic power that language codes赋予 to their eyes, thoughts, imaginations, and tones.

When a herd of bulls walks down the road, an ordinary person might feel afraid to pass through them. Bulls are not wild animals, yet those controlling them can manage and restrain them.

To an extent, lower castes, unbound to the land, enjoyed certain freedoms that higher castes did not. They did not have to fear others’ impurity as much, which is somewhat paradoxical.

It’s like saying a police constable can walk anywhere without an escort, while an IPS officer cannot, when viewed from a certain perspective.

Due to the influence and interventions of English movements from the Madras Presidency, subtle and significant mental transformations gradually occurred among Travancore’s Namboodiris and Nairs. For many, caste-related societal issues became a new source of concern. However, they had no clear idea of how to overcome these.

The relatively higher social privileges granted to lower castes working in English trading companies, plantations, and households could not be provided by local traders, householders, or farmers to their enslaved people.

The reality is that no one deeply considered the demonic codes of this terrifying language at work behind this. This dreadful language created a phenomenon of “numerical status” in individuals and animals, embedded in the virtual framework of their transcendental software. It was unimaginable then that enslaved people did not occupy a singular numerical status but carried a negative numerical status with the power to drag others into an abyss. If such a person were welcomed into a home, seated on a chair, and offered tea in a glass given to other guests, that household would be socially ruined. Others in society would cease visiting that house.

The English had no means to detect or sense this numerical status. While this was somewhat beneficial, it has now led to significant folly and a lack of wisdom in their own country.

Generally speaking, continental Europeans likely had no major issue viewing Asia and Africa’s enslaved people as such. However, English traders and agricultural entrepreneurs, without deliberately adopting an opposing stance, failed to detect the negative numerical status imposed on enslaved people by feudal languages due to the neutral nature of their language.

Thus, feudal language codes could not significantly control or influence their mindset. Consequently, those who aligned with them naturally gained mental, personal, and other forms of elevation.

In this subcontinent, the major protests against English rule were not led by those working under them. The so-called Indian (and Pakistani) independence movement was not a revolution by harshly enslaved people seeking freedom. Rather, it was driven by wealthy elites, distressed by the liberation of their enslaved people due to English influence. For example, Nehru, Gandhi, and Subhash Chandra—all of whom lived in England.

Though they gained significant mental benefits from English rule, it was only natural that they would feel it desirable to prevent their enslaved people from receiving the same benefits.

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33. The life of the enslaved

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In Travancore, according to Native Life in Travancore by The Rev. Samuel Mateer, F.L.S., the Pulayars were the most enslaved group. Their condition was worse than that of the Paraiyars in the Pandya regions beyond the mountains.

In the Pandya regions, Paraiyars could escape from one area or kingdom to another. In Travancore, however, vast mountains, forests, and the sea on one side, combined with Nairs eager to capture escapees, meant a Pulayar bound to a landlord’s land could not take a single step away. An epic tale was also passed down to these land-bound Pulayars.

It is said that after Lord Brahma created the higher castes using clay, some clay remained. While pondering what to do with it, Parvati suggested using the leftover clay to create lower castes to serve the higher ones. Some Pulayars believed this story, which likely brought them great mental satisfaction, as their plight was seen as divinely ordained.

Another claim is that Pulayars were brought by Parashurama from a foreign land to serve Brahmins. However, near Trivandrum, in a place called Veli, there are ruins of a large building on a small hill, along with a deep well, commonly known as the Pulayanar Fort. Certain Pulayar families claimed that a Pulayar king once ruled from this fort. This is plausible. When other communities conquered them, both king and people could have been enslaved. If ordinary members of a rival community addressed them with terms like nee (lowest you), eda, edi, enthada, or “What’s ninte (lowest your) name?”, any great community would be degraded. It’s unclear whether ethnographic studies or anthropology consider the power of language codes.

Rev. Samuel Mateer notes that a Shudra family near the aforementioned fort was said to have served as accountants for the Pulayar king.

Records show various types of Pulayar slaves across different regions of Travancore. Near Alleppey, the Cunnar Pulayars are described as possibly the most primitive people on the subcontinent. The only clothing worn by their women was a bundle of grass or beads hung around the waist.

They worshipped white rocks, and their language was incomprehensible even to people in Alleppey. They did not know how they ended up in the region or became enslaved. Landlords used them like cattle. Nevertheless, they preserved certain ancient rituals.

Christian missionaries observed that Cunnar Pulayars considered themselves superior to other Pulayars. When their children were brought to mission schools and given opportunities to study, they showed great enthusiasm and remarkable intelligence.

Due to limited access to washing facilities, their clothes were often filthy. When some were enrolled in mission boarding schools, this became an issue. Washermen refused to clean their clothes, and another social problem arose: if they dressed cleanly, how would they be identified as a lowly caste?

They were not allowed to build comfortable huts, as it was believed this might make them reluctant to work. Thus, their lives were spent in miserable huts, exposed to heat, cold, and rainwater as if sleeping outdoors.

They were barred from entering markets, so they waited at a distance and bought goods when possible. Bound to the land, Pulayars worked daily in paddy fields, performing tasks like draining water, building field embankments, fencing, digging, fertilising, ploughing, weeding, transplanting seedlings, and harvesting. These require significant skill, but language codes suppressed them, and therein lies the problem.

During harvest, men, their wives, and children worked. Afterwards, they prepared their own food. At night, they slept in the fields to protect crops from cattle, deer, wild boars, and elephants, scaring them off by shouting, yelling, and banging objects. These actions, akin to chanting slogans, were invigorating.

Rice was their staple food. Their owners allocated a small plot for kitchen gardening, where they grew vegetables and fruits for curries. When these were unavailable, they ate rice with pepper and salt. Milk and eggs were forbidden, but they had ample access to alcohol. When food was scarce, many resorted to petty theft.

Records note that during summer, their children often fainted from hunger.

Their owners understood that providing sufficient food was a great danger, as it might lead young Pulayars to pursue higher-caste women.

From his personal experience, Rev. Samuel Mateer states that these people, deprived of knowledge for generations, steeped in superstitions, and harshly enslaved, were gentle-hearted, deeply grateful to those who showed kindness, loyal to those who befriended them, and quick to grasp knowledge when taught.

The English failed to understand that feudal languages dictate one behaviour towards those respected and another towards those not. The English language lacks such a peculiar hierarchy of respect.

Moreover, the higher communities in Travancore recognised that providing nutritious food, knowledge, and social freedom to those with physical and mental abilities would be disastrous, as feudal language dominated the environment.

Such people, when “freed,” become intolerable allies. Today, one such person in Britain demands reparations, and the public applauds.

Hasn’t the great poet captured this vast social condition, as quoted above:

“Clouds of slavery shed their guise of fear,
In fields where flowers bloom,
In lands where the enslaved toil,
In sacred fires of chanted hymns.”

Can we say the poet has vividly captured, with ornate beauty, the aesthetic pleasure the elite derive from the suffering of the lower masses trapped in their web?

Did the great poet or his family move to an English land? That’s a common trait among many devotees of feudal language.

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34. Learning history through cinematic tales

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The image provided reflects the reality of the lowest social strata, as witnessed by the London Missionary Society missionaries in Travancore and by the English administration across the subcontinent.

Today, such images are unlikely to be found in the official history textbooks taught in this subcontinent or in media like films that impose grand visions of the past on people’s minds.


Would watching a lower-caste woman in the video clip above imprint the reality witnessed by the English in one’s mind? When enjoying songs wrapped in honeyed words and melodies, crafted in the lavish world of cinema, the struggles and efforts of the English perspective fail to register.

Even watching a depiction like in the film Neelakuyil, where a character is neither called a deer nor a peacock, the filth and stench hidden in the depths of social antiquity do not penetrate the mind.

The legend from Travancore (not Malabar) about a Paraiyar who bore twelve children, when heard through a poet’s words, cannot be reconciled with such a reality.

Consider:
A hidden path in memory,
Turning toward the straight line of ancient taste,
Where a non-dualist nature,
With my mother of vowed purity,
In a land where deities awaken,
Crafting wooden dreams in golden temples,
Where rivers weave white cloth with foam,
In the dusty plains of the land.
(Poem: Naranathu Bhranthan)


The hidden paths, golden temples, rivers, and dusty plains mentioned in these lines were opened to the lower castes at society’s deepest levels when the London Missionary Society worked for social revolution in Travancore, not through any efforts of local reform movements. Moreover, the poet’s words might make a Paraiyar woman seem like a celestial beauty from the land of apsaras.

Depicting characters differently in films is merely a commercial tactic. A film, created with massive investment, is a commercial product. The Gandhi, Ramanujan, lower-caste woman, or Negro slave portrayed in films are endearing figures, adorned and presented in grand, sweetened embellishments, not the real individuals they depict.

When Negro slaves are shown in glorified forms in films, viewers cannot fathom why other characters in the story would not find such an attractive person likable.

The grandeur of English movements lies here too. They attempted to uplift even the social groups viewed with disgust by society’s lowest rungs.

However, when these groups demand their own private space, local society’s elite leaders portray them with contempt, prejudice, and disgust, suppressing the very people they claim to represent. This is the underbelly of local social revolutions in this land.

The London Missionary Society uplifted many enslaved communities worldwide during that era. Yet, it can be said they did not fully grasp the cruelty in their actions.

In a feudal language environment, uplifting those at the bottom disrupts the social equation with others, causing an upheaval akin to an earthquake. It may become impossible for others to walk public streets.

A sentence in a major historical book on South Africa from 1905 describes the London Missionary Society’s reckless actions:

Under the powerful patronage of the London Missionary Society, whose members in those days could do no wrong, the power of annexation displayed by their Griqua protégés seems to have been amazing. In the course of a few years, they claimed the sovereignty of any or every tract of country over which they had either hunted or where their cattle had trekked.

This refers to the Griqua, Negro descendants aligned with the London Missionary Society, seizing surrounding lands, which understandably provoked resentment among other Negro groups in the region.

Similarly, the London Missionary Society paved the way for social change in Travancore.

If Paraiyars, Pulayars, or hunters rose, even a renowned high-caste communist leader would tremble. The poets who wrote the verses above would sweat. The only solace then is sending their children to English-speaking nations.

On the topic of films: in movies like Slumdog Millionaire or City of Joy, which blend Indian regional languages with English, or in other local films, a common practice is using individuals from wealthy families or those with strong English proficiency to depict the hero from society’s lowest rungs.

The flaw in such portrayals is this: in feudal language codes, words like nee (lowest you), eda, edi, avan (lowest he), aval (lowest she), or just a name strike those at the bottom of the social hierarchy with great force. The impact of these blows often manifests in their facial features, serving as an identifying mark. Even if they rise socially or economically, this facial distinction takes time to fade.

Using individuals from society’s upper echelons to portray those battered by such features is a deliberate act of fooling the audience. In Slumdog Millionaire, the slum-dwelling child who rises is played by someone from a grand English heritage and wealthy background.

Learning history through films results in absorbing such foolish narratives. The cinematic world’s geniuses avoid showing the reality witnessed by English colonial movements, as it would drive audiences out of theatres.


In 1982, during Onam celebrations in Trivandrum, I had the chance to watch the KPAC play Mudiyanaya Puthran in a grand auditorium at night, entering with a VIP pass as my first daughter’s father, Govindan, was a government department head. The audience was filled with high-ranking officials, all enjoying the play. Yet, it’s unlikely this play would inspire anyone to provide social upliftment by teaching ten English nursery rhymes to the children of lower communities. Ensuring such opportunities never arise is what sustains the vitality of revolutionary movements.


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35: When the lowest people are set free

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In feudal language societies, suppressing the lowest groups is both a social and personal necessity. This is because they speak a barbaric language. Their language alone is sufficient to deliver bites, blows, stabs, kicks, crushing, and expulsion. However, if these people are allowed to rise, they will use the same language to harm others in the same way.

Freeing them is not like freeing a few Englishmen, as everyone in Travancore knows.

In 1841, Rev. J. Abbs, a Christian evangelist, recorded the following:

A wealthy Shudra (Nair) who owned many slaves as property stated that he could sell a slave for 8 fanams (8 British-Indian rupees). He could handle the slaves as he pleased. He could separate slave children from their parents and sell them. He could separate a wife from her husband and sell her. He could give these people as gifts or rewards to his friends. He could offer them as dowry during his daughter’s marriage. To settle his own financial debts, he could rent them out to the creditor. This Shudra claimed these slaves were nothing more than cattle.

These slaves were given meagre food and clothing. Yet, they were excessive drunkards and harboured wicked emotions. They were notorious for lying and petty theft.

Many suffered from various fevers and ailments like rheumatism. Very few lived to old age.

Due to malnutrition and lack of proper clothing, nobody knew how many died young. Those who survived lived like beasts of burden in vile, useless, and miserable hovels. They ate repulsive and despicable animals and vermin. People viewed them as unfit to approach and treated them accordingly.

Even if these people raised accusations or evidence against their masters, they were ignored. If they encountered an ordinary person while moving about, they would immediately flee and hide, as their presence caused pollution to others.

They led their lives in a most pitiable manner. When they became too old to work, many turned to begging. Many starved to death. No one thought about their plight, showed sympathy, or expressed compassion. No one even considered saving them.

The above details were recorded by Rev. J. Abbs in 1841.

The Church Mission Record of 1850 noted the following about the Pariyar:

When any domestic animal died, its carcass was the rightful food of the Pariyar. Often, they poisoned cows to obtain such food or killed them by other means. Lying, petty theft, and excessive drinking were common vices among all slaves. However, the Pariyar were also caught committing heinous crimes like large-scale robbery, kidnapping, and murder. No other group in this country was as degraded as them.

Kuravar, Vedar, and other castes were also enslaved and forced to work in the fields.

Consider what the great poet wrote about the lifestyle of the Vedar:

In the depths of darkness, spiritual consciousness

Blossoms in the Vedar dwellings with a blink.

The beauty of the poem’s words might make one think the Vedar’s life was grand. But the reality does not lie in the hollow lines of poetry.

One might wonder today why others showed no mercy toward these slaves.

Consider this analogy:

Venomous creatures live around a house. They bear no enmity toward humans and merely live their lives. But the householders know that allowing them to roam freely is dangerous because of their venom. A bite could kill a human.

Similarly, people viewed the lowest groups. If given good food and clothing, they would use the venom-filled words of the feudal language code against those living peacefully in society.

The venom in the language codes of the lowest people is indeed potent. When an IPS officer calls you “nee” (lowest you), it’s not the same as when a person doing menial work at the officer’s house calls you “nee.” The first “nee” comes from a position of authority. The second “nee” drags you down to the foul, stinking depths of society’s underbelly.

Why invite trouble by giving a stick to be beaten with? Let the foul creature fester and die in its foul place!

This would be the mindset of a person with wisdom, discernment, reason, and awareness.

However, missionaries from the London Missionary Society, who came from across the seven seas with grand egalitarian ideals and a vow to spread goodness worldwide, were unaware of the monstrous reality of feudal language in this world. Other Christian factions did not inform them of this either.


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36: The rise of the lowest people

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For ages, the English administration governing the Madras Presidency exerted daily pressure on the Travancore dynasty to remove the social leash from groups treated as cattle. However, the problem for the Travancore administration was that the English lacked awareness of the horrific upheaval in language codes that would result from setting these groups free without restraint.

No local social reformer needed this explained. Every leader sporting a Gandhi cap knew the savagery of word codes. The lowest must respect the cap when they see it. Social growth that demands respect for the lowest is inherently unhealthy.

As a kingdom surviving solely under English protection, Travancore struggled to support an atmosphere the English viewed as utterly rogue-like. The Madras administration also faced significant accusations from England.

Consequently, they applied immense pressure. Several laws were proclaimed in Travancore to abolish slavery. I will address their consequences later.

Here, I focus on the London Missionary Society’s efforts to elevate the lowest groups by converting them to Christianity.

Claiming these groups were converted to Christianity poses issues: if they changed religion, what was their religion before? Saying Pulayas, Pariahs, and Vedars were Hindus is sheer folly. These lowest groups bore no trace of the Brahminical Hindu religion’s traditions.

However, it wasn’t only the lowest groups converted to Christianity. Shanars, Ezhavas, and hill-dwelling Mal Arayars, who created independent villages, were also included. Examining bloodlines reveals that some of these new Christians carried the lineage of higher groups. This may stem from Nair and Namboodiri women falling into the hands of Pulayas, sometimes enslaved, or higher-group women, ostracised socially, seeking refuge in Christianity.

Recall the tradition of selling all women and children from the Ettuveetil Pillamar families to the Mukkuvars.

The lowest castes who converted to Christianity didn’t rise gradually. Native Life in Travancore records that mental and physical changes occurred with astonishing speed. Their work quality, composure, and domestic arrangements saw rapid improvements. Notably, England’s invisible presence was the grand backdrop, as the London Missionary Society was an English movement.

When Pulayas, Pariahs, Kuravars, Mal Arayars, Ezhavas, and others joined the new religion, they were overseen by English-speaking individuals from England. Some weren’t English but generally handled the English language. For instance, Rev. Samuel Mateer, F.L.S., author of Native Life in Travancore, seems to have been Irish. Yet, there’s no evidence of anyone starting an Irish language movement in this subcontinent.

Children of Pulayas, Pariahs, Kuravars, and Vedars began studying in mission schools. Some landlord family members, illiterate themselves, occasionally relied on these lower-caste children to read or write for them.

During a conversation with an evangelist, a Shudra (Nair) remarked that it was impossible for Kuravars to learn anything. The evangelist summoned several lower-group individuals and asked them to recite Bible passages. Seeing them perform with great quality, the Nair couldn’t believe his eyes or ears.

Today, many claim auto drivers, taxi drivers, and labourers cannot learn English—it’s deemed impossible. But the reality differs. The ruling machinery, revolutionary parties, and those claiming the legacy of the freedom struggle inwardly oppose these groups learning English. They celebrate their own lack of access to English as a grand achievement, and their followers rejoice, liking such sentiments on YouTube!

Those trapped in feudal languages and those whose time is wasted by foolish formal education proclaim loyalty to both. It’s like Dracula drinking blood: once bitten, the victim becomes another Dracula.

The best way for commercial drivers, labourers, and others to master English is early exposure to quality English education. This isn’t achieved by enduring teachers’ incompetence in classrooms. Instead, access to classic English literature is key.

With that, this place could transform into an old England.

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37. The roguish act that England did was the liberation of the enslaved peoples

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From the Church Mission Record of 1850:
“The condition of these unhappy beings is, I think, without a parallel in the whole range of history. They are so wretchedly provided with the necessaries of life that the most loathsome things are a treat to them. They are bought and sold like cattle, and are often worse treated. The owners had formerly power to flog them and enchain them, and in some cases to maim them, and even to deprive them of their lives...”

Translation:
The condition of these unhappy individuals is unlike anything in history. The essentials of life are provided to them in such a deplorable state that even the most repulsive and nauseating items seem a grand treat. They are bought and sold like cattle and often treated worse. Their masters had the power to flog them, chain them, and in some cases, maim them or even take their lives.
End of Translation

When slaves had children, those children belonged to the mother’s master. However, in some places, a child could be claimed by the father’s master.

In a village near Mallappally, a large landlord employed around 200 slaves on his farmland. However, two to three times that number were leased out to smaller farmers. Most of these slaves were Pariahs and Pulayas.

The efforts of the English Christian movement to uplift these slaves mentally are documented in the Church Mission Record. The 1854 records detail a conversation with an enslaved individual, whose children attended a Christian mission school. The text is in English, so words like “you” and “he” carry the burden of degrading social codes not specified in the records when translated into Malayalam. Here, the translation avoids both degradation and undue elevation:

Q. Why don’t you study?
A. We have no time—we work during the day and keep watch at night. But our children teach us a few prayers and lessons.

Q. How much is your wage?
A. Men and women over fifteen years get three-quarters of an idangazhi of paddy.

Q. What wages do slaves get in other areas?
A. Half an idangazhi and a trivial gift during Onam.

Q. If you fall ill, does the master provide any help?
A. Initially, some medicine is given. After that, nothing. No food is provided.

Q. What is your usual food?
A. Mostly rice. Often, the curry is boiled tamarind leaves. For six months of the year, wild yams dug from the forest.

Q. How do you get salt?
A. We give one-sixth of our daily paddy wage for a day’s salt.

Q. And tobacco?
A. The same for tobacco.

Q. For expenses like weddings, what do you do?
A. We borrow. Then, from the grain saved during harvest, we repay the debt with extra grain.

Q. Are slaves sold to foreign lands or distant districts?
A. Four days ago, we saw a man, a woman, and two children brought for sale.

Q. In your area, are wives and children separated from their fathers during such sales?
A. This happens sometimes. In the Vattancheri Syrian Christian family, there are four slave pennus (lowest-level girls). They were married, but their masters separated them from their husbands and assigned them to other men.

Q. Are slave children brought for sale?
A. About six months ago, two children were brought and sold to T. Narayanan. Their relatives came to reclaim them, but the master refused.

Q. Are slaves chained or beaten?
A. These days, they aren’t chained, but they are beaten. When that happens, they can’t work for months.

Q. In old age, when you can’t work, do you get any help?
A. No help at all.

Q. What wages do children get?
A. Children, lacking enough food, are very weak and can’t do hard labour. Until fifteen, they get no wages. If their masters forbid it, they can’t attend mission schools.
End of Translation

Liberating such slaves was the roguish act England committed in this subcontinent.

Those who clamour for compensation for Britain’s “follies” in this subcontinent seem unaware that if the heirs of these lowest groups, enslaved for centuries, demanded compensation from such a person’s family, it would take ten rebirths to settle the debt.

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38: Efforts by the English to liberate the enslaved people

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When history books discuss slavery, self-proclaimed scholars with grand academic degrees shamelessly claim it was solely the work of the English. They cite isolated incidents from somewhere in the world to justify this. Yet, they lack any understanding of social realities. No one can challenge them, though, because they are fools armed with lofty qualifications.

Under English law, slavery was impermissible in England. The language lacked codes to sustain it. Thus, no ordinary person in England was enslaved.

But what happened if someone bought a slave and brought them to England, even briefly? In 1772, this issue arose in Somersett’s Case. The English court ruled that, under English law, a slave entering England became free of their own accord.

QUOTE: The Slavery Abolition Act 1833 abolished slavery throughout the British Empire. This Act of the Parliament of Great Britain expanded the jurisdiction of the Slave Trade Act 1807 which made the purchase or ownership of slaves illegal within the British Empire, with the exception of "the Territories in the Possession of the East India Company", Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), and Saint Helena. END OF QUOTE

The 1807 Slave Trade Act banned the slave trade in the British Empire, but not in areas controlled by the East India Company or Ceylon. Foolish academic historians twist this to claim: the British conducted the slave trade in their Empire! The English East India Company engaged in it! Hence, they didn’t abolish it in South Asia!

This is not the truth.

The reality is that a law passed in England couldn’t be enforced in South Asia, where social slavery was a centuries-old reality. The English East India Company’s courts would have needed immense military force to tackle it.

By 1833, however, most geographical exemptions were removed with the Slavery Abolition Act. This meant the English East India Company could suppress slavery in its territories.

To combat slave-trading ships, England’s Royal Navy formed the West Africa Squadron, intercepting vessels in high seas and along African coasts. They confronted not only Arab slave ships but also French, Dutch, Portuguese, and Spanish ones.

In hindsight, the English committed a grave error.

Most slaves were sold to what is now the USA. The West Africa Squadron, by rescuing these slaves and returning them to their African homelands, deprived them of that fortune. Their descendants still strive to reach the USA today.

I will discuss the West Africa Squadron’s daring efforts later.

With the 1833 Slavery Abolition Act passed in England, the English East India Company, governing the Madras Presidency, gained greater impetus to confront social slavery in Travancore.

The Travancore government itself owned many slaves. Many lower castes, though not formally enslaved, were effectively so. For example, Valanmars were forced by government officials to perform various tasks when needed—guarding salt depots, tax collection points, or rowing boats for officials and their guards. If a guard arrived at their home and said, “Nee, come here” (lowest you), they had to comply.

Whether academic geniuses understand the leash-like grip of such phrases as “Nee, come here” is unclear. It seems they lack awareness of language codes, which are stronger than visible iron chains.

In 1836, a census in Travancore revealed 1,64,864 people living like beasts tied to the soil. In 1847, thirteen Christian missionaries submitted a petition highlighting this.

The British Resident in Travancore, representing the Madras government, informed the Travancore Diwan and demanded the liberation of slaves’ children.

In 1853 (30ᵗʰ Kanni, Malayalam Year 1029), the Travancore government announced concessions for slaves:

Children born henceforth to slaves directly owned by the Travancore government would be free.

Transferring slaves to settle a landlord’s debts was banned.

Slaves were granted the right to own property.

Slaves received legal protection.

Slaves on government-leased lands were freed.

When slaves and their children were sold separately, their new residences could be no more than 15 miles apart.

However, these laws had no real impact on society.

The English administration in Madras did not relent. Intense pressure continued from their side.

In June 1855, the Travancore government issued a new proclamation:

The vast freedoms now enjoyed by former slaves in the large territories governed by the Honourable English East India Company could not be implemented here. Therefore, from this day, all government slaves are fully free.

Additionally, five more regulations were issued to facilitate the abolition of slavery.

However, Travancore lacked the social and mental transformation needed to enforce such freedoms.

Much transpired in connection with this.

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39: Pressure to bring changes in the Travancore kingdom

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The Travancore kingdom was ruled by a royal family. Their loyal subjects were the Namboodiris, Ambalavasis, and, below them, the Nairs. These three groups dominated the kingdom’s administrative systems. Although Travancore adopted many mechanisms from the English administration in the Madras Presidency—such as a government bureaucracy, police, courts, and written laws—these were, in reality, far inferior in quality to those in the Madras Presidency.

In the Madras Presidency, including Malabar district, the administration was shaped to respect English language codes. Any group could aspire to government jobs. Officials were not linguistically superior to an ordinary, respectable citizen. Moreover, corruption in the bureaucracy was extremely difficult to conceal. In the police system, officers could only beat or harm detainees without the scrutiny of English officials.

In Travancore, everything was upside down. The government system was steeped in the grandiose feudal suppression codes of Tamil and Malayalam. The English administration in the Madras Presidency could exert pressure on the royal family but had no direct authority over governance. (Col. Munro served as Travancore’s Diwan for a time, which requires separate discussion.)

Government officials, courts, tax collection offices, and police were thoroughly corrupt. The royal family lacked the ability to control them effectively, as everyone colluded to run the kingdom. Police openly beat and harassed those they arrested. By granting officials and police unchecked power, the royal family secured their loyalty and affection.

The English relentlessly pressured Travancore to free the lowest groups, unaware of the monstrous nature of local language codes.

The behaviour of the lowest groups was likely coarse, their words laced with vulgarity. There is a vast mental difference between the obscenities spoken by higher groups and those by the lowest.

Moreover, the English concept of the right to freedom of expression is a principle rooted in a very limited understanding. In feudal languages, granting this right requires first fully comprehending its scope.

I will discuss this further later.

The reality is that Travancore lacked the administrative machinery to implement the new benefits, rights, and freedoms granted to slaves and other lower castes under pressure from the English administration in the Madras Presidency.

Travancore could not reject its English ties, as its very existence depended on their protection.

In 1858, a small military rebellion occurred in a northern region of the subcontinent. Using this as a pretext, Queen Victoria’s administration seized control from the English East India Company in areas under English rule. However, pressure from the Madras Presidency on Travancore continued, likely driven by missionaries from the London Missionary Society.

In August 1858, a royal decree was issued to all police officers in Travancore:

In some areas, the lowest groups cannot directly approach the Tahsildar with complaints, as they are barred from entering the Tahsildar’s office. Therefore, Tahsildars must sit daily in a place accessible to the lowest groups, hear their complaints, and provide swift remedies.

The English administration could only pressure the royal family, but this had to be done cautiously to avoid antagonising or alarming the higher groups.

Veluthampi’s rebellion and the Kundara Proclamation, which occurred years earlier in Travancore, stemmed from the alarm of Namboodiris and Nairs. The clear reason was the English presence, which was upending society. English cultural influence aimed to unleash the lowest groups without restraint.

For ages, language codes had pinned the lowest groups down like nails. If freed, these groups might wield those same sharp codes to leap upon and tear into the higher groups.

The English had no understanding of such nailed-down oppression or the razor-sharp word codes capable of slashing through society.


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40: The Madras Presidency government went beyond its jurisdiction to intervene for the freedom of the lowest people

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The Travancore royal family appears to have cooperated with the social reform directives pressed by the English administration in the Madras Presidency. At that time, the English ruled nearly half the subcontinent as a single entity.

In the three Presidency regions of South Asia under English rule, significant changes were underway. A bureaucracy aligned with English egalitarian ideals, public education accessible to children of all groups, hospitals available to all, public roads, railways, postal services, police, courts, written laws, and more were established.

Independent kingdoms like Travancore, bordering British India, seem to have imposed no restrictions on crossing their extensive borders or on entering and leaving their territory.

For instance, anyone from Travancore could enter British Malabar without a passport, visa, or other permissions. However, exporting many commercial goods from Travancore to British India was prohibited, as British India had minimal restrictions or taxes on trade.

This proximity to a region with a social standard unimaginable in Travancore likely sparked significant mental shifts among Travancore’s social elites.

Take British Malabar as an example. There, some from the lowest groups rose to high positions in the bureaucracy, displaying considerable proficiency in English.

In Travancore, however, the bureaucracy viewed the lowest groups with great fear. Any benefits or freedoms granted to slaves by royal decree were unwelcome to the bureaucracy and the self-proclaimed intellectuals. They knew that freeing the lowest groups would lead to a society overrun by insolent, uncultured, coarse-mannered people who lacked any respect or deference, potentially seizing control of the kingdom and society.

The English administration in British India couldn’t think this way. They saw the lowest groups showing great loyalty, affection, and closeness to them.

The Travancore royal family began appointing senior officials from British India to high positions in its bureaucracy, as finding local officials capable of implementing English administrative systems was challenging. I cannot elaborate on these developments now, but borrowing senior officials from British India for high posts in Travancore caused evident distress among local elites. Itterarichan Cundappan (Cunden Menon), a Tahsildar from Malabar, was appointed Huzur Dewan Peishcar in Travancore in 1835 AD. He introduced significant reforms, but other high-ranking officials schemed against him. Within a few years, Cunden Menon died under highly suspicious circumstances.

Travancore’s Christian missionaries faced no difficulty communicating with the Madras administration, as discussing matters in English was straightforward. They sent petitions to Madras daily to save the lowest groups.

During this period, Sir Charles Trevelyan’s appointment as Governor of the Madras Presidency likely caused issues among Travancore’s higher groups and its administration. His stance and social vision were rooted entirely in an English linguistic context. The presence of Christian missionaries in Travancore was paving the way for social revolutions, street conflicts, and more.

It’s clear that Sir Charles Trevelyan had no understanding of how feudal language codes shaped society. The Travancore royal family had relaxed clothing restrictions for lower castes to a small extent, but Shanar women who converted to Christianity exceeded the legal limits, adopting the attire of higher groups and appearing in public. Shudras (Nairs) confronted them physically on the streets.

The issue lies with language codes. What happens if a constable in an IPS uniform enters a police station? The same occurred on Travancore’s streets—a disruption of social order. Shudras physically suppressed these defiant women.

Upon learning of this, Sir Charles Trevelyan wrote a lengthy letter with directives to the British Resident in Travancore, instructing the king to be informed:

I have seldom met with a case, in which not only truth and justice, but every feeling of our common humanity are so entirely on one side. The whole civilised world would cry shame upon us, if we did not make a firm stand on such an occasion. If anything could make this line of conduct more incumbent on us, it would be the extraordinary fact that persecution of a singularly personal and delicate kind is attempted to be justified by a Royal Proclamation, the special object of which was to assure to Her Majesty’s Indian subjects, liberty of thought and action, so long as they did not interfere with the just rights of others...

The Travancore administration had to work hard to make Trevelyan understand the situation.

The Travancore royal family must have struggled amidst all this. The English presence was enabling the rise of a group lacking any gratitude in their hearts.

Above all, it seems Sir Charles Trevelyan failed to grasp that Travancore was not under British rule but an independent kingdom.

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41. A social scene where noble family women must stay away from market areas

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The sudden shift of those who lived as slaves, choosing one day to work for whomever they pleased, became a massive psychological issue for landowners and others. The English could only connect this issue to mere labour freedom. However, there is a horrific matter they couldn’t even fathom in their wildest dreams.

For ages, the respect of servitude was daily expressed through words, non-verbal physical signs, and suggestive meanings (verbal and non-verbal signals). These would shift 180 degrees in the opposite direction through speech and expressions. This isn’t about crude or abusive language, as the English might imagine. Rather, it’s a system of using mere words to socially and personally smear a person with filth and stench. The English still remain unaware of the language codes’ capacity for such grotesque power.

When those deemed lowly break free and step out, they will surely use these potent word-codes to degrade those of higher social standing. Referring to a landowner in the tone of grating coconut shells, saying, “Tell him to go,” is akin to directly saying, “You go, fool.” Moreover, when these word-codes flip 180 degrees, the lips, eyes, and eyebrows automatically flash distorted gestures or fail to do so.

In some market areas, when ordinary higher castes like Shanar and Eezhava were allowed unrestricted entry, women from Nair, Ambalavasi, and Namboodiri communities stopped going there altogether.

Consider the scenario in venues frequented by the wives of commissioned officers in the Indian army. If the wives and children of ordinary soldiers were given the freedom to enter without any servile demeanour, the wives of commissioned officers would cease visiting those places. They would be forced to stay confined to their homes, living out their days.

In Travancore, the constant pressure of English rule aims for changes far more horrific. They attempt to unleash those defined as mere hill cattle, semi-humans, or semi-animals onto public roads and market areas. The English have no conception of anything to control their crude behaviours or uncouth attitudes.

Imagine the social state if, in places regularly visited by the wives and daughters of commissioned officers, male and female domestic workers from ordinary soldiers’ homes were allowed to enter without any servile attitude. Symptoms of what today’s foolish science calls mental illness would surely begin to appear in the officers’ wives and daughters.

Not long ago, when those who were once their slaves began choosing their desired work, it became a major issue for landowners and other householders. They devised various plans to obstruct this. One was to lodge complaints with the police, accusing these former slaves of theft or other mischief. Government officials, police clerks, headmen, and property officers began using such complaints to brutally suppress the former slaves.

A petition against this trend was sent by Christian missionaries to the Madras Presidency, which exerted pressure on the Travancore royal family. Consequently, in September 1858, the royal family issued a stern order to all officials: any government worker unnecessarily harassing the slave population must be immediately dismissed from their post.

If any accusation was made against Pulayas, Pariahs, or Kuravans, the tahsildars were to personally investigate its truth. If found false, those making such accusations were to face severe punishment.

Both the higher and lower communities are merely individuals placed in slots within the language software that envelops society. There’s little sense in defining anyone as good or bad on a personal level.

Social reform must target the communication software. The language filling society with disease must be deleted, and a pristine English—instilling civility, healthy relationships, attire, and body language—must be installed.

From the perspective of the local language and the noble class, what’s seen is the English language culture severing the affectionate master-slave bond that existed for ages in Travancore, driven by efforts from Madras.

This is indeed true. For instance, in Malayalam language schools, teachers address students with affectionate terms like “lowest you,” “boy,” “girl,” “lowest he,” or “lowest she.” Students reciprocate with great affection and servitude toward these teachers. This affectionate-servile bond is long-lasting. However, if a student studies in England for some time and returns, it could become problematic. They might develop strong resentment or hostility toward their teachers.

Similarly, the English rule from Madras seeks to taint the landowner-slave bond in Travancore. The slave who once showed servitude now retorts, “You go, fool,” in a calm or harsh tone. This is because a freed slave speaks in Tamil or Malayalam, not English.

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42. Non-spiritual aspects of joining the new religion

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William Tobias Ringeltaube, born in what is now Germany, joined the London Missionary Society in 1796 and worked as a missionary in Travancore. He is recorded as the first London Missionary Society missionary in this region.

Though he converted many lower-caste individuals to Christianity, records suggest he was constantly in deep depression due to their perceived low standards and other reasons. He seemed to doubt how many of those he converted genuinely joined out of love and reverence for Jesus Christ. In one letter, he wrote:

I have now about six hundred Christians, who are not worse than the other Christians in India. About three or four of them may have a longing for their salvation. The rest have come through all kinds of other motives, which we can only know of after years have passed.

Only three or four of those who joined Christianity might have done so for their soul’s salvation. The rest likely joined for various selfish motives.

In 1815, due to his depressive state and illness, Ringeltaube entrusted his missionary work to an Englishman and left the subcontinent. His non-English background may have been an issue. As a native of a feudal language region, he likely had a deep understanding of the concept of servitude as respect. He may have recognised the lack of servitude in others, leading to related mental distress.

In one of his letters about his followers, he wrote: “They are not so cunning and insolent as the people under the English Government.” This suggests that, viewed through the lens of feudal language, Christians in British Malabar did not show sufficient servitude to this German missionary.

This issue of “sufficient servitude” generally did not affect those of English descent. However, British citizens like the Irish, Scottish, and Welsh were not entirely immune. The greatest example might be General Dyer, who ordered the Jallianwala Bagh shooting. The people’s disregard for the Military Act and their tendency to view him as a clown likely influenced his actions. General Dyer, an Irishman born and raised in South Asia, was shaped by the feudal language influences of both regions. Yet, his timely action may have saved around a million lives, for which he must be commended. More on this later.

The London Missionary Society’s Christian activities likely used Malayalam Christian songs. These were sung in lower-caste homes and villages, gathering people for hymns and group prayers. Melodious songs and collective chants could evoke a psychological experience akin to chanting slogans.


While studying in Trivandrum, I (this writer) happened to hear a couple of lines from such songs. For example: “What a wonder, how beautiful is God’s love…”

In Native Life in Travancore, an English translation of such a song is provided:

Chorus
Our slave work is done, our slave bonds are gone.
For this we shall never henceforth forsake Thee, O Jesus!
To purchase cattle, fields, houses, and many luxuries (we were sold);
(Now) Messiah himself has settled in the land a people who once fled in terror. Our, &c.
The father was sold to one place, the mother to another; the children also separated.
But now Our, &c.
The owners who enslaved us often caused us much suffering:
But will it comfort us to relate all the oppressions in full? Our, &c.
After exhaustion with labour in burning heat, in rain and cold and dew.
They beat us cruelly, with thousands of strokes. Our, &c.
Dogs might enter streets, markets, courts, and lands;
(but) if we went near they beat and chased us to a distance. Our, &c.
As unclean lepers must run and hide in the jungles,
so we outcastes must leave the road after warning those who approach. But now Our, &c.
As the Lord freed from slavery the much-suffering Israelites in Egypt,
So He has freed us from our distresses. Our, &c.
The Scripture teachers came, sent by the Triune God:
Through this, slavery ended and liberty was gained. Our, &c.
They diligently taught letters, arithmetic and hymns;
made us clearly see the path to heaven, and set us therein. Our, &c.
Come in crowds, brethren, let none hang back,
Heartily to trust and worship Jesus, the great and wise God. Our, &c.
Come, ye elders! gather the people unitedly into the church:
To-day and evermore remember the love of Jesus and the Judgment Cry. Our, &c.
Observe Baptism and Communion.
Advance, And walk wisely in the path of a renewed nature. Our, &c.

The lyrics point to how English missionaries saved this community from those who treated them like cattle. In reality, it was England, not Christianity, that brought salvation. The subtle difference between Christianity and England is not minor but Himalayan. Continental European Christianity was itself a fearsome religion.

During my college days, I heard parodies of such songs. For example:
“Jesus Christ, supreme distress,
Stealing tapioca at midnight…”

When mentioning group singing, the Pentecostals come to mind. This might be a parody of one of their songs:
“Join the Pentecost,
Eat tapioca and fish”

There seems to be no connection between Pentecostalism and the London Missionary Society. However, it’s unclear if those joining such movements had selfish motives. During my college days, it was said that joining Pentecostalism was a small loophole to migrate to the USA. Another was participating in ISKCON’s (Hare Krishna movement’s) American tour. The truth is unknown.

When enslaved people in the USA escaped to Canada under British rule, they sang similar songs. For example:

Oh, I heard Queen Victoria say,
That if we would forsake
Our native land of slavery,
And come across the lake;
That she was standin' on de shore,
Wid arms extended wide,
To give us all a peaceful home
Beyond de rolling tide.
Farewell, ole master, etc.
(Life of Harriet Tubman by Sarah H. Bradford)

Enslaved African Americans saw Queen Victoria as their saviour.

Do you recall the song “I travel alone in the chariot of time” by German missionary Volbrecht Nagel? He had no connection to the mentioned missionary movements. Still, he conducted his missionary work by writing songs in Malayalam. Though the language is coarse and can provoke mental agitation in conversations, the songs are splendid. Singing could tame many who might otherwise lash out in speech.

In Travancore, lower castes often joined Christianity not due to deep spiritual understanding but in hopes of material progress and social freedoms. Around the same time, many lower-caste individuals in South Malabar joined Islam for similar goals, under the rule of the English Company. More on this later.

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43. Issues in unleashing the lower communities

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Many members of Travancore’s royal families had begun acquiring proficient English language skills. Moreover, as the kingdom came under the protection of the English East India Company and later British India, the need for physical prowess, as seen in the times of Marthanda Varma and Rama Varma, had diminished.

Royal family members actively worked towards various social advancements in the kingdom, receiving all manner of assistance and advice from the Madras Presidency.

However, the deep-seated disgust, hatred, and opposition embedded in societal language codes—along with the urge to leap beyond permitted social boundaries and the desperation to prevent it—could not be altered by the royal family in any way.

When an individual from the lower strata is uplifted, they exhibit newfound claims. They show no gratitude, loyalty, or obligation towards the administration or society that enabled their rise. No matter how high they climb, their attitude remains, “What’s the big deal?”

Moreover, the uplifted individual’s ambitions may grow to the point of eyeing women from socially superior households. They might even think, “What’s wrong with marrying someone from the household that uplifted me?” However, the other side sees not just the individual but also their kin and community, who, like a vast whirlpool, can drag everyone into the depths.

The reality is that uplifting those from the lower strata involves highly complex issues. I’ll try to discuss these later, if I recall. Briefly, it would be beneficial if those who uplift others arrange for them to live at a slight distance and with privacy. Without such a system, those who uplifted them will never repeat it, feeling as though their hands were burned. England is in this state today.

The Travancore government did not allow lower-caste children into government schools. There’s no significant fault in this. Allowing it would bring children from higher families into close contact with those from degraded social strata, eroding their virtues and absorbing the lower castes’ behaviours, attitudes, and inferiority. These need separate discussion, which I won’t delve into now.

The Travancore government addressed this issue differently. In South Travancore, it provided financial aid to schools run by Christian missionaries for lower-caste children. Children of Pariahs and Pulayas in South Travancore studied in these schools, wore good clothes, and began appearing on public roads and markets. Some gradually acquired private property.

The presence of English missionaries likely fostered great mental resilience in these Christian-converted Pariah and Pulaya children. It’s worth noting that English missionaries uplifted and unleashed these lower castes into Travancore’s higher communities. If they were instead uplifted and unleashed in England, the local English populace would surely protest. This is another issue in social reform. When outsiders disrupt the social order of a region, the traditional community suffers. There’s much to say on this too, perhaps later.

In North Travancore, English missionary influence was minimal. Many freed slaves there may not have experienced significant Christian influence. Some likely felt the mental state of a house pet that suddenly lost its master. Many found it difficult to venture onto public roads. If they crossed paths with a higher-caste individual, they would instinctively flee into the forest. If not, they would be chased away. The required distance from higher communities was 64 feet.

At their workplaces or residences, they placed certain leaves as a specific sign. If a higher-caste person saw these signs en route, he would shout for them to flee. This shouting might resemble how one yells at a stray dog entering a home today. However, the other side could also be quite coarse. The language codes operate on the principle of “If you don’t bite me, I’ll bite you.”

They were not allowed in markets, so they couldn’t sell their agricultural produce. Poverty haunted them. Slavery might have been better.

They weren’t permitted to build huts near public roads. During monsoons, when waters rose, they weren’t allowed on government boats to cross rivers, streams, or backwaters.

When buying from shops, they stood far away, shouting the name of the needed item. They placed money on the ground and ran off. The shopkeeper would place the item there, take the money, and leave.

Though new laws allowed lower communities to own private land, it was impractical. Landowners around them treated them like fools and behaved accordingly. The word “boy” carried great force. If someone cleared and cleaned a bit of forest land, the nearby landowner would have it registered in his own name.

Christian missionaries from England were astonished to find no written laws stating that lower communities were slaves or faced various restrictions. They couldn’t understand what basis prevented Pulayas, Pariahs, and others from entering certain spaces.

However, the missionaries didn’t realise that the language codes everyone possessed could enable the lower communities to turn and bite if unleashed.


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44. Lower communities living like mute animals

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It is recorded that in the northern regions of Travancore, there were no Christian schools for the lower castes run by the London Missionary Society or others to uplift the enslaved people. These mentioned northern regions might include areas like Quilon, Alleppey, and Cherthala. I’m not certain. It seems that it was in these places in 1946 that the lower castes gathered and created an uprising—the Punnapra-Vayalar uprising. This event is interpreted in various ways today. It feels like most of these interpretations deliberately ignore the centuries-old background of this event.

It seems there was a significant difference between the lower communities gaining freedom in the presence of English missionaries and gaining freedom without it. Even today, higher communities speak of the lower castes in a derogatory manner. I’ve heard it said that in the places where they live, they drink in the evenings, sing obscene songs, and create annoying noises and disturbances. But to speak the truth, it’s not only the lower castes who do this in Kerala today. However, when the lower communities do this, it causes great annoyance to others—that’s the only difference. I’m not even sure if the lower communities actually do this.

Among the lower castes who joined Christianity in the presence of English missionaries, there must have been significant cultural changes.

Due to the efforts of the London Missionary Society and the constant attention of the Madras government, slavery, slave trade, and leasing out slaves became legally recognised as crimes. However, in the northern districts of Travancore, all of this continued silently. Knowing that they had gained legal freedom made no difference. The language suppressed them harshly. If it didn’t suppress them, it would be a disaster.

Defined as a kind of fool in the language, these lower communities could not achieve anything significant socially, professionally, or personally. This remains a social reality even today. If a woman steps out of her home and others call her by her mere name, addressing her as “nee” (lowest you) or “enthadi” (lowest you) in an affectionate tone, no matter how much personality, knowledge, skill, cultural excellence, or maturity she possesses, she will have to behave roughly to survive in society. Otherwise, she will sink.

This sinking continued to be experienced by the lower castes in the northern regions of Travancore.

To prevent the enslaved people from slipping away, it is recorded that the landowning families began treating them with great affection. This pretence of love is indeed a hallmark of feudal language societies.

Feigning sorrow for the plight of the lower communities, they would give them small financial assistance as loans. Sometimes, they would give them small gifts. They would provide a bit of land for paddy cultivation, along with seeds, a plough, and oxen.

The enslaved individual would become deeply indebted and attached to the landowner. At that moment, the landowners would instruct their friends to file some case or police complaint against this enslaved person. Caught in such troubles, the lower-caste individual would approach his (lowest he) own landowner for refuge. The landowner would immediately mediate on his (lowest he) behalf and save him (lowest he). He would also give him (lowest he) a stern warning, using harsh words like “eda,” “edee,” and “nee” (lowest you) with force. The lower-caste person would be overwhelmed with gratitude and affection.

However, some of the lower communities would understand the deceit and betrayal in this game. They would react with words. The landowner would perceive this as sheer insolence. In the codes of the vile language, the one showing personality is defined as a mere chicken thief.

The paddy land given to him (lowest he) would be taken back. When government officials travelled through that area, they would be forced to provide chickens, eggs, milk, and toddy without receiving any payment. But if the insolent lower-caste person indicated that he couldn’t give these things for free, he (lowest he) would be slapped on the face, dragged to the village headman, and locked up in the detention centre there.

If not this, they wouldn’t be paid wages for the work they did for the government.

These enslaved people lived in huts amidst paddy fields. When they carried their dead bodies or livestock through the surrounding fields, the landowner would complain to the village authority that the crops in the field were damaged. The authority would summon these so-called insolent people, suppress them with language codes, and then impose a hefty fine.

The royal family that existed in Travancore at that time was very progressive in its thinking. Even so, in remote areas, the lower communities lived like mute animals, enduring all forms of degradation, physical oppression, and more. If this was the situation, one can only imagine what the state of the lower communities in Travancore must have been before the English missionaries arrived in the area and before the attention of the Madras government came.

This is the background behind the claims of an elite, flaunting great English language proficiency, who goes around saying that the British government must pay huge reparations for what they did in this subcontinent.


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45. The company with natural language codes that shone like a lamp, spreading light, radiance, and gem-like brilliance i

Post posted by VED »

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The living spaces of lower communities like Pulayas, Pariahs, and Vedars, where they resided together with their own people in certain areas, were utterly repulsive. The carcasses of animals they brought for food, along with other disgusting items, would be scattered around. Carpenters and masons would not do any kind of work in their living spaces.

When one person from these lower communities became a Christian and gradually gained some financial stability, he found a few carpenters to build a slightly better living space. Immediately, the nearby Brahmins intervened and stopped the carpenters from working. They seized the lower-caste man and put him in detention. It took the missionaries quite some time to free this man.

The school building in Mallappally was set on fire and destroyed twice.

Those who newly joined Christianity had, in earlier times, stolen items from the households of Brahmins and Shudras. They would encourage and train their own children to steal. Lying to each other, engaging in daily shouting and quarrels, and using obscene language were everyday occurrences among these people. Drinking was also a daily habit.

Among those who joined Christianity, a very clear change was observed in these behaviours. It’s worth noting here that the lower castes who gained freedom from slavery without joining Christianity did not receive this kind of training.

Living in small huts in various parts of the forest and working in the fields under the scorching sun until evening, these people would wear neat clothes on Sundays, gather in Christian churches, participate in prayers, and sing songs. The sight of this caused great astonishment among those who witnessed it.

Seeing this, it can be said that interest was sparked among the lower communities who did not participate in such activities. However, their masters imposed various restrictions on them joining these activities. Moreover, their landowners would tell them all sorts of frightening stories.

Rev. Samuel Mateer once visited a place where local Christians were teaching the lower castes. When he went there twice, all the people who usually came there fled in fear. The reason was this: their landowners had told them that Rev. Samuel Mateer was coming to take the lower castes to England after educating them, to feed them to mice that produce gold!

The idea of raising the personal worth of people who lived in society like mere filth, engaging in all sorts of vulgarities, often living with men and women in changing relationships without proper marital bonds, and teaching them knowledge and cultural behaviours while standing by their side—this created a sense of amusement among the higher people in society. Treating mere fools as if they had some knowledge was seen as absurd, much like how one might treat small children in Malayalam society while dealing with elders. It was viewed as sheer foolishness by others.

When speaking to small children in Malayalam, knowledgeable people often use foolish remarks, clearly ridiculous logic, clownish antics, and the like. In Malayalam, it’s difficult to imagine that young children have the same intellectual sharpness as adults.

It was the same situation when speaking to the lower communities as if they could grasp grand ideas—others would see this and laugh uncontrollably!

However, as time passed, slowly but surely, Christian churches and a large number of highly knowledgeable people aligned under them began to grow in society.

But in the northern regions of Travancore, things did not happen so quickly. Christian activities among the Pulayas had started as early as 1851, almost three years before the abolition of slavery. It wasn’t just Hindus (Brahmins) who opposed this; Syriac Christians also saw it as a major issue. The reason was that they were giving their traditional deity and faith to the “foul” people—and that too by a group of highly knowledgeable missionaries who had come all the way from England.

The slaves connected to such initiatives received harsh punishments. Moreover, the local Christians who went to teach them were also ostracised from society. The issue here isn’t about religious belief. After all, the opposing Syriac Christians were Christians themselves. Nor is the problem solely about freeing the enslaved people. Rather, it’s about freeing those who could grow into adversaries, equipping them with all societal knowledge and skills, and turning them into a fully armed and prepared community.

Principles like loving one’s neighbour or turning the other cheek to receive another blow, as taught by Jesus Christ, do not seem to have been practised by Syriac Christians when it came to the lower communities. The parable of the Good Samaritan also doesn’t seem to have been followed by Syriac Christians in the case of the enslaved people. The reason likely being that they did not see the lower communities as fully human.

The Christian missionaries of the London Missionary Society, who disrupted and disordered Travancore society, along with the local missionaries they nurtured, were saved from ruin only because the English rule existed in the Madras Presidency. Had that not been the case, both groups would have ended up at some crossroads, nailed to a cross, enduring the scorching midday sun, relentless rain, and the cold of the night—rotting, drying, screaming, and eventually disappearing into the earth.

Recall that Veluthampi’s proclamation itself was about the dangers of unleashing these lower communities.

However, the English East India Company had banned Christian missionary activities in their territories. There was no need for such activities there. The reason is this: while the missionary work of the London Missionary Society shone like a lamp, spreading light, radiance, and gem-like brilliance in everyone and society, it wasn’t truly the Christian ideals that did so. Rather, it was the English language codes, operating invisibly and silently in the background, that brought this about. That was something natural to the English Company—they didn’t need anyone else to provide it.

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46. Methods of punishment

Post posted by VED »

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I must speak about the social and political atmosphere of Travancore. Though these matters pertain to the kingdom of Travancore, they likely apply to the hundreds of small and large kingdoms across South Asia, with slight regional variations.

The income, wealth, and resources of the royal family, Namboothiris, Ambalavasis, and Nairs were all produced by a vast group of enslaved people held under them in various layers.

During times of war, the royal family incurred huge expenses, but in other times, there were no significant large expenditures. All landowning families had immense powers, much like what the general public today might think the police department possesses.

From Muhammadan landowners, 25 percent of their property was collected as inheritance tax. Exports, imports, mint duty, various fines, the property of a landowner who died without heirs (which would go to the royal family), protection fees collected from wealthy individuals fleeing other kingdoms for safety, valuable offerings given by the public to the royal family during national festivals, fees for the weddings of prominent individuals—these and many other sources provided the royal family with various forms of income.

According to a note written in 1723 by a Dutch priest named Canter Visscher in Cochin, the general public in Travancore and other regions had no significant dealings with foreign countries. It can be said there were no roads or facilities for long-distance travel. Those on the government’s side felt considerable envy toward outsiders. They viewed them with a sense of insecurity. The local languages had no significant literary works in the possession of the general public. It’s doubtful whether such languages even had any notable works at all.

While some landowners might act as they pleased, disregarding royal orders, in other places, there was no opposing the royal decree. Though principles of justice and ethics were often mentioned, most of the time, neither royal orders nor the commands of other authorities paid much heed to them. In other words, not only the king but also the landowners implemented law and justice as they saw fit. The king did not pay any wages or salary to these authorities. However, they could extract whatever they wanted from those under them in any way they pleased.

There was no system of judicial courts. Local authorities enforced law and justice as they saw fit, often tied to their personal gain and greed. The advantage of this system was that there was no delay in delivering a verdict.

The lower castes had no rights whatsoever. Therefore, no petitions for justice would come from their side.

To secure high-ranking positions, individuals from prominent families would pay the king large sums. Once they obtained the position, these individuals would extract many times that amount from the people under them.

Most caste leaders, elders, and other heads maintained their positions over their communities by paying a fixed sum every year to the king or, if not, to the local authority. The king and subordinates would extract as much as they could from the people. During the reign of a wicked king, the people would suffer greatly. Even during the reign of a kind or generous king, the people received no special benefits.

Brahmins, no matter what crime they committed, would not be punished. The king held Brahmin priests in great respect. The public also placed great value on their words.

Wars, invasions, assaults, and encroachments were common. During such times, women who fell into the hands of aggressors were used sexually, both collectively and otherwise, and were abducted, among other things. In assaults on women, caste distinctions were often disregarded. Aggressors would also abduct men and children for various purposes.

Authorities treated those engaged in physical labour and the enslaved people tied to the land with extreme cruelty. This harshness was directed not only at those who committed crimes but also at those who showed disobedience. There was no punishment method like mere imprisonment. Instead, to extract confessions, they would beat them very cruelly. Punishments like amputating limbs, chopping them off, or impaling them on nails or spikes were common for minor theft or cow slaughter. Harsh trials like the ordeal by fire were also standard.

People like Pulayas were locked in small cages, much like animals. Often, more than one person would be confined in such cages, with men and women together. In the case of animals, the distinction between male and female isn’t considered in such matters, is it? Sometimes, they were tied to trees like monkeys.

For stealing a Nair’s coconut, they would be hanged, and the body would be displayed for others to see.

In 1802, Krishnapillai, a soldier who led a military uprising, along with others, was tied up, bound to the legs of elephants, and torn apart into two pieces.

For trivial offences, punishments included tying someone to the mouth of a cannon and firing it to blow their head off, gouging out eyes, or cutting off hands, noses, or ears.

In 1752, Devasahayam Pillai, who had converted to Christianity, was mounted on a buffalo, whipped, had pepper powder rubbed into his wounds and nose, was forced to drink filthy water, and was paraded through villages.

The king and authorities would seize the money, wealth, and treasures of the captured person and their family. The king could sell anyone who committed a crime into slavery. Furthermore, those wandering the streets without any family ties would also be captured and sold into slavery.

As per the rules of untouchability, any lower-caste person who came within the prescribed distance could be struck down with the sword that Nairs carried. To identify lower-caste individuals, they were required to walk without covering their chests. They were not allowed to wear shoes, carry umbrellas, wear good clothes, or use expensive jewellery. When women saw someone of a higher caste, if their chest was covered with a cloth, they had to immediately uncover it. This was a sign of respect, demonstrating their subservience.

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47. The traditional glory of exploitation

Post posted by VED »

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Only the royal family and the nobles close to them were permitted to build large or tall structures. By collecting huge licensing fees, various social powers and privileges were granted to many wealthy individuals. Certain lamps that proclaimed specific privileges, certain types of music or tunes, certain kinds of jewellery, modes of travel, honours, titles, and immunities were granted by the royal family in exchange for these licensing fees.

There were many other licenses and permits in place back then, comparable to the characteristics of today’s massive extortion scheme known as sales tax, which sustains the bureaucratic system. While these did not generate significant revenue for the royal family, they enabled officials to wield immense power over private individuals.

There is an unspoken truth in this statement: when an official gains authority over an individual, that official will suppress the person through language codes. The official will claim that the individual’s subservience is their right. When translated into English, this detail would be lost in the translation. In other words, this is a piece of information that would not come to the knowledge of the English.

In 1754, every Shanar individual had to pay a tax for military expenses. In 1787, Syriac Christians were also obligated to pay such a tax. A rule came into place requiring the lower castes to pay a fee at the time of marriage. There were around 110 such taxes in existence.

Many of these taxes were designed to subjugate merchants and artisans under the control of officials. Others were meant to humiliate and keep labourers on edge.

Pariahs, Pallars, and some Shanars had to pay a tax called ‘kuppakkacha’ for their living spaces. The word ‘kuppa’ itself was used to constantly remind everyone that these people belonged to the garbage heap. The royal family did not gain significant financial profit from this.

During Onam, Deepavali, the harvest season, year-end, various annual days, royal family weddings, birthdays, and other occasions, the lower castes had to pay various taxes. Oil millers, those possessing bows and arrows, blacksmiths, palanquin bearers, those with boats and nets, hunters, those owning animals of the cat family, goldsmiths, fishermen, musicians, drummers, messengers, dyers, Kuravan dancers, and many others had to stand before the official to pay these minuscule amounts, much like how one pays taxes at a village office today. They also had to pay a tax for their living spaces.

In British India, there was no such corrupt bureaucratic system. There wasn’t even a sales tax! It’s worth mentioning here that today in India, public sector companies swallow crores of rupees every year—loss upon loss. These loss-making entities, which exist solely for the financial gain of officials, did not exist in British India during English rule. That must be remembered.

Around 1865, following the general advice of the English government in Madras, around 110 clearly listed taxes were abolished with a single signature from the royal family. However, many lower officials continued to collect these taxes from the lower communities. The reason being that, just as in India today, arguing with an official was considered a great act of insolence in Travancore back then.

Forced labour and free services provided by the enslaved people to the government have been a common practice since ancient times in South Asia and other similarly low-standard societies. The grand palaces and forts in Delhi, Jaisalmer, and elsewhere, the Taj Mahal in Agra, many magnificent temples across the subcontinent, and numerous large structures in Egypt, the Mayan culture of South America, and other places were built in this manner.

Though Travancore did not have such grand structures, the lowest communities were deployed for such tasks to meet the needs of the royal family, officials, and village authorities. They could be summoned at any time.

On some occasions, even if the royal family paid a small wage, the officials would seize it. The lower communities had no way to complain about this. Fear of severe punishment prevented anyone from daring to raise a complaint.

In irrigation projects, the lower communities were almost entirely forced to participate without wages.

They were used to transport government property. They had to cut wood from forests and carry it back. They were called to transport government goods back and forth.

They had to do personal tasks for soldiers, gather fodder for their horses, collect food for government elephants, provide palm leaves for writing, oil for lamps, firewood, items for temples, and many other things—all of which the lower communities had to gather and provide for free. The officials viewed these lower communities much like animals.

The lower communities lacked the courage to demand that the financially well-off contribute at least economically to such tasks. If this seems strange to the reader today, consider this common scenario:

Private buses transport school and college students at very low rates, back and forth. Would any private bus employee have the courage to go alone to the RTO office and demand that government buses also take proportional responsibility for this huge burden? This points to the courage of a citizen in free India. Yet, there’s no shortage of courage when it comes to boasting about attacking Pakistan!

If this was the situation in Travancore, things were the complete opposite in British Malabar. Even the lowest person in society could file a complaint against an English official. However, English officials in Malabar were very few.

One of the great things English rule did in Malabar, which many overlook, is this: they demolished the bureaucratic system that had existed for ages in this subcontinent—a system marked by extreme cruelty and filled with landowners and other traditional power-holding families. In its place, they established a new bureaucratic system with individuals selected through public examinations.

The bureaucratic system in British India was rooted in the egalitarian social ideology of the English language. The only flaw in this system was that most people, including lower-level officials like clerks and peons, lacked proficiency in the English language. Moreover, there were few people with high English language proficiency even among middle-level officials.

However, compared to Travancore, British Malabar was like a paradise of comfort for the lower communities. The bureaucratic system firmly established in Malabar today is not the one from British Malabar. Rather, it is the feudal-language bureaucratic system that migrated from Travancore.

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48. Deceptive and real slavery

Post posted by VED »

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The enslaved people were used for human sacrifices in various rituals. An incident of this nature is recorded in Native Life in Travancore. A landlord near Kottayam repeatedly built a dam to store water. However, each time, the rising water would destroy it. When he discussed this with the Brahmins, they provided a solution: three virgin lowest level girls must be sacrificed there.

Three lowest level girls, aged fourteen and fifteen, were sacrificed in this manner. It is recorded that Rev. Samuel Mateer personally visited and saw the place where this sacrifice was offered and the knife used for it.

On occasions when such water reservoirs were built, there was also a practice of throwing a living enslaved person into the spot where the dam broke, killing them.

It is also mentioned that King Rama Varma Kulasekhara, before going to war, buried around fifteen infants alive in the ground as a sacrifice. This type of sacrifice was to ensure victory in the war.

The reason for the enslaved people being so utterly devoid of value, generally speaking, seems to have been something the English officials could not understand. The reality is that in language codes, those who are gradually pushed to the bottom receive no value from those above them.

I do not know whether official historians in India view the social slavery that existed in the South Asian subcontinent as a significant historical event. However, this group might speak at length about the African slavery that existed in the regions of the USA. In African societies, where communities lived by cutting each other down, including cannibals, the social elites there captured the local enslaved people and sold them to Arab slave traders and those from continental Europe. Only the most fortunate among those sold as slaves ended up in the English regions of the American continent.

At that time, slavery was a reality across the world. However, the English language lacked the word codes to keep slaves in their place and suppress them. In places where the enslaved were sold and the people spoke English, within a few years, the personality of the enslaved individual would grow to great heights.

Today, the group most vocal and concerned about the experiences of slave life are the Africans in America. Yet, the slavery they experienced was not truly slavery. The situation of those brought and sold as slaves there was indeed very harsh. However, after enduring slavery there, significant changes would occur in the individual. They would gain a very clear understanding of their enslaved condition. They would resist.

In the USA, the African enslaved men being addressed and referred to as "Boy" by their masters is something the Africans there recall with great pain today.

Thinking about how their ancestors addressed and referred to the enslaved as "Boy," the descendants of families who once kept slaves feel troubled today.

This use of "Boy" becomes offensive only to enslaved people who have attained a high mental level. The reality is that the enslaved in South Asia, who were seen as mere filth, did not gain the mental growth to recognise the offensiveness in the word "Boy."

Since known historical times in South Asia, the enslaved people lived in a manner suited to their condition. With the establishment of English rule in this subcontinent, a significant change occurred in this mindset.

This social condition does not seem to have been convenient even for the higher communities. Many higher individuals were reluctant to travel to distant places. They felt disgusted using water and food from the places where the lower communities lived.

There were other reasons as well, but I will not delve into them now.

There was a system of buying and taking away enslaved people from South Asia. It seems many participated in this. Arabs, Dutch, and French were involved in this manner. It appears there were also Muhammadans who locally assisted the Arab slave traders.

It seems they often sold the enslaved people they took from here to the Dutch in South Africa. The situation in South Africa was extremely complex in many other ways, which I will address later.

In British India, under English rule in South Asia, the abduction and trade of slaves were banned. Moreover, when Col Munro served as Diwan in the Travancore kingdom for a few years, he also caught those who were taking slaves from there.

In 1812, Col Munro discovered that a Pondicherry man, within the Dutch centre in Changanassery, had chained several slaves in iron shackles and starved them. Though he freed them, the people of Changanassery, with the cooperation of the Dutch, continued this trade secretly.

When speaking of Muslims, Rev. Samuel Mateer records that in areas of this subcontinent and elsewhere where Islamic rule existed, slaves faced relatively less social degradation. Nevertheless, it is said there were Muhammadans who captured those without anyone to care for them and sold them into slavery.

Complaints were continuously received by the English administration that slaves were being taken to Persia and sold. In Bhopal, a Muhammadan preparing to export several lowest level girls as slaves was caught in Bombay. It is also recorded that Rev. Henry Baker rescued several Shanars whom a Muhammadan had captured and attempted to smuggle to Zanzibar. Another incident is recorded where a Muhammadan married a lowest level girl, took her to Zanzibar, and sold her; the British administrator in Zanzibar, Dr. John Kirk, intervened, rescued her, and brought her back to Travancore.

It must be highlighted here that, despite England being the one that fought to end the severe slavery happening worldwide, official history today is written everywhere in a manner that claims England was the one that brought slavery into the world.

Image below: An African family in the USA that grew through slavery.

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49. When a tremendous earthquake occurs in language codes

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In Native Life in Travancore, while discussing the caste-related issues in the Travancore kingdom, a sentence like this is found:

All dread the raising of the lower classes and their admission to the common rights of humanity.

Translation: Everyone views the rise of the lower communities and their admission into the common rights of humanity with fear.

This concept is linked to caste-related issues in the book. However, the fact that it is deeply connected to feudal language codes and the phenomenon of the numerical position and value they create on the virtual software platform of physical reality is not mentioned in this book at all.

Moreover, if a person positioned at the bottom in feudal language codes moves upward, a tremendous earthquake occurs in the language codes. It does not seem that Rev. Samuel Mateer had access to such information.

In the same book, another sentence like this is found:

Hence the habit of shouting aloud in conversation, which many respectable men have acquired.

Translation: Therefore, socially higher individuals have developed a habit of shouting loudly during ordinary conversations.

This explanation is not entirely correct either. In feudal languages, higher individuals shout loudly to suppress a person considered to be of the lower community and to prevent them from behaving with equality. This is a tactic some government office workers still use today. They have somehow developed a misguided notion that the general public is their lower community. No amount of individual training can correct this mistaken belief. I will discuss this further later.

The presence of Christian missionaries in Travancore society paved the way for various mental changes. However, since the society was entirely enveloped by one or two extremely rigid feudal languages, these changes were haphazard—moving back and forth, sideways, and in all directions, like something chaotic.

Sentences and concepts that seem trivial in English, when transformed into a feudal language, shift each mentioned fact and person in multiple directions, to various depths and heights, into different numerical positions and values, ultimately reaching an entirely complex form.

It can even be said that a lack of discipline emerged in many parts of society in various ways. Look at these recorded incidents:

A group of Brahmin travellers encountered some lower-caste coolies carrying a large log (timber) on their shoulders along the way. Immediately, the Brahmins demanded that they put it down and run away from the path. The coolies were not willing to comply.

This incident should be viewed as akin to peons not obeying the orders of IAS officers.

The defiant words of the coolies might carry an offensiveness and lack of subservience that cannot be perceived in English. The Brahmins, losing their composure, beat the coolies. Normally, such a confrontation would not be socially possible. A group of commissioned officers in the military would not engage in such a clash with peon-soldiers.

The coolies retaliated by beating the Brahmins. If peon-soldiers attacked commissioned officers, it would indeed be considered a mutiny in the military.

Such a social change in Travancore likely occurred due to the presence of the London Missionary Society and the spread of English language ideas. However, this kind of confrontation is not what the English language intends. Yet, the English language did not spread in the society. Instead, people began to think about human equality, human rights, and similar concepts in English. But they continued to live and think in feudal languages.

Overall, many societal boundaries were breaking down. However, feudal languages cannot bring about significant mental growth or elevation in the lower communities. The higher communities must have experienced the distress caused by this upheaval.

In some areas, children of the higher communities began playing together with children from the lower communities. This was because social boundaries had started to break down in many directions. Higher-community children who experienced the proximity of lower-community children had to wash their bodies before entering their homes. However, many children would pretend to go wash, step aside for a while, wait, and return, acting as if they had washed.

This issue of impurity was indeed a significant problem for Brahmins and other higher communities. In many streets and paths, Brahmins who experienced such impurity would often continue their actions, pretending they were unaware of it.

For this very reason, some Chovvans received a good beating from Brahmins. When Chovvans ended up on the path where Brahmins were walking, and the Brahmins moved forward pretending not to notice, the Chovvans, out of their pure intentions, informed the Brahmins that they had been defiled, which led to the beating.

This issue of impurity, as social boundaries began to break, was felt as a major inconvenience by the higher communities. The flaw in this issue is that it is the higher individuals who get defiled. The lower communities do not face any significant issue of purity due to the proximity of Brahmins.

If a peon calls an IAS officer by name, it is the IAS officer who gets defiled. To prevent such defilement, strong protection must be provided to the IAS officer. Without this, things would become like saying "Mathai is M," as far as the peon is concerned.

In England, too, there are hierarchies in formal positions. Individuals must use words and names in accordance with the customs associated with those hierarchies. However, the mechanism that feudal languages operate with—a satanic force behind physical reality—is entirely absent in pristine English.

Social engineering is an extremely complex and profound subject. The most powerful factor in it is the nature of the language and the characteristics of language codes. I am not aware of any individual or movement that has understood these matters and planned or acted for social engineering accordingly.

It can be said that English-speaking people have initiated many positive transformations in various directions, but the good in their actions was not deliberate. Rather, the reality is that their language codes are structured in this way.

Even if they did not see that the good from their actions benefited a certain group of people, they often failed to understand the reality that their actions caused immense difficulties for other communities. Beyond physical dirt, they still lack knowledge about the kind of dirt that language codes create—dirt that cannot be washed away even with soap.

Moreover, when social changes are made without altering the language software that drives the social mechanism, society is turned upside down through various developments that lack any harmony with each other.

For example, although the London Missionary Society worked to uplift communities like Pulayas, Pariahs, Vedars, Ezhavas, and Chovvans from their social barriers, conflicts and opposition among these groups continued to grow significantly.

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50. Death of differing social stature people

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Quote from Native Life in Travancore:
Englishmen can scarcely realise the horror which superstitious natives feel when there is any chance of being approached by a Pariah, and the disgust with which these unfortunate people are viewed.

Translation:
Englishmen can hardly comprehend the profound disgust, aversion, and fear that superstitious locals experience when a Pariah comes near them in any way.

One crucial aspect is entirely overlooked here. The lower classes, using their language codes, can suppress, trample, and roll those above them in the filth of their degraded state. However, this does not significantly affect the upper classes, as the lower classes do so from a distance. But if the lower classes are given the opportunity to come close and act in this manner, the issue becomes grave indeed.

It is known that some police sub-inspectors and Deputy Superintendents of Police refer to IPS officers as "he" (avan) or "she" (aval) in private. However, if they were allowed to use such language codes to openly confront IPS officers in formal or informal settings, turning the tables 180 degrees, it would rob the IPS officers of their mental peace. They might even contemplate suicide.

Imposing an artificial state of equality in feudal language societies does not result in the elevated social dignity naturally fostered through voluntary English communication. Instead, it merely creates a loophole for the lower classes to infiltrate the circles of those in higher social positions. This is because the lower classes maintain a state of disgust and aversion that prevents the upper classes from entering their spaces.

In a feudal language-speaking Indian society, some private commercial vehicle workers address IAS officers by their first names and use "you" (nee). IAS officers, in turn, address them similarly. What happens here is that socially lower individuals encroach upon the private spaces of IAS officers. This is sufficient to undermine the status of IAS officers, without fostering the elevated social dignity envisioned in English.

If, in retaliation, IAS officers attempt to enter the private spaces of these commercial vehicle workers to create equality, the situation becomes even more deplorable.

Englishmen attempting social transformation in feudal language societies have no understanding of these dynamics. If feudal language speakers infiltrate English spaces to establish equality, and Englishmen, in retaliation, enter feudal language societies to do the same, things will only worsen.

In 1878, a Pariah Christian woman (she, aval), suffering from a bruised foot and exhausted from walking, sat by the roadside to rest. A Shudra (Nair) individual (he, adheham) passing by noticed that she (aval) paid no heed to his approach. He (adheham) struck her (aval) with a stick he carried. Immediately, her son (he, avan), who was with her (aval), took a stick and struck the Shudra. The police intervened.

The Pariah Christian youth (he, avan) was arrested and jailed. When the case reached court, it was noted that, according to Dharmashastra, it is wrong for a lower-caste person to strike a higher-caste person. This is akin to a soldier striking a junior commissioned officer in the military, which typically warrants severe punishment.

However, this Pariah (he, avan) was not merely a Pariah but a Christian, educated and cultured through the Christian mission. The court considered this.

The matter could have ended there. However, a month later, the Nair individual (he, adheham) contracted a fever and died. This is comparable to a soldier (he, avan) striking a junior commissioned officer (he, adheham), which can shatter the officer’s mental state and lead to illness. Yet, a military court might rule that the soldier, familiar with Englishmen, faces no punishment. What then? The junior commissioned officer is likely to die of a nervous fever.

The Nair died (he, adheham, Marichu - higher man died). Had it been the Pariah who died, it would be said that he (avan) Chathu (lowest category man died).

The case escalated to a murder charge. The police arrested the Pariah Christian youth (he, avan) and likely beat him as well. The case gained significant public attention, bringing fame and prestige to the police officers. Seven Christian family heads were arrested and tormented in jail for about a month. However, in court, the judge linked the incident to mere caste-based hatred and released them.

A witness in the case stated: “I have never seen anything like this. The police scribe wrote something and asked me to sign it.”

The overlooked language code here is this: He (adheham) asks him (avan) to provide a fingerprint. The address would be “to you” (ninod). In return, the address should be “to Saar” (saarinod). Such language coding in the sequence of events is incomprehensible to Englishmen.

In Travancore’s government offices, the public must interact with the lowest-ranking clerks and peons, who behave with extreme brutality towards ordinary people. This is because such interactions allow them to negate the degradation of their lowly status. Words like “eda,” “nee,” “avan,” and “aval,” which can completely undermine a person’s dignity, are their weapons. Moreover, the public must reciprocate with subservient language and body language.

Yet, this same coding is used by everyone. There is no presence of a linguistic world in this society that fosters communication without harming dignity.

In British Malabar, the administration insisted that the public directly interact with officers. This was because those educated and informed in the local language, when viewed through an English lens, were seen as having fully mastered local social hierarchies. Such individuals were not formally considered educated, as their knowledge was rooted in barbarism. Calling this education is itself an act of roguery.

This fact, however, is not apparent to those who only know the local language. They view such individuals with great respect, as they are seen as highly knowledgeable and socially dignified. The public cannot even conceive of a social state otherwise, and the social elite and luminaries ensure that such awareness never reaches the masses.

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